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Political Science As a Subject - Scope, Applicability & Future Roadmap :

Political Science is among the prominent subjects of Humanities and Arts discipline. It includes analysis of theoretical and practical aspects of the polity, as well as, related cultural, social and economic milieu observed throughout the entire human history. Various aspects like political philosophy of Indian constitution and framework of Indian constitution, encompassing various requisites of our democratic systems, viz., fundamental rights, directive principles of state policies, elections, representations, judiciary, legislature, executive, federalism and local governance are well studied.

From political theory perspective, applications and scope of political freedom, positive liberty, negative liberty, constraints, harm principles, social justice, equitable distributions, justice mechanisms, jurisprudence, fairness, legal rights, legal studies, equality dimensions, citizenships ( Global & Universal ), nation & nationalism, pluralism, secularism, challenges to peace and development models are widely observed, as well as, very well discussed. 

 

The scientific study of politics is known as the political science. It is a social science that studies political institutions, political philosophy, political psychology, political conduct, and, related constitutions and laws, as well as, systems of governance and power.

In addition to local and national level politics, their associated political environment, related analytical political science, Pol Science deeply touches upon or enters into the arena of international political science and international politics. Political Science also primarily builds upon the retrospective research and study of contemporary world politics, world orders & developments like Cold War, NAM or Non-Aligned Movement, End of Bipolar Blocks & Bipolarity, Unipolar World, New Centres of Power and World Organisations ( encompassing, EU European Union, ASEAN, SAARC, BRICS, etc, ).

 

Pol Science or Political Science additionally focuses upon the developments in areas of World Environment, Optimum Utilisation of Natural Resources, Global Warming, United Nations & Constituent Organisations, World Security & Terrorism Deterrence, South Asia & Contemporary World, Establishment of Political Systems & Governance across South Asia, Political Democratisation of South Asian countries, Globalisation, World Peace Keeping Initiatives & Forces. and, Building of Productive Foreign diplomatic relationships. 

 

Political Science delves into the contemporary Indian Political arena too. It emphasises upon the fundamental factors leading to the study of Indian political environment since independence. Political Science primarily researches upon the political nation - building measures, political party systems ( double, single or multi-party ), planning & development policies, security programmes with nuclear deterrence, India's foreign policies, Regional Party Building & Activisms, Local & Regional politics, new social movements, protests and the movers - shakers of Indian political set - up.

 

The outcome of the scientific study & analysis of the afore - mentioned common and prominent political structures, political systems leads to the determination of the direction of evolving political landscape.

 

Merits and demerits of analytical outcomes are noted and optimal political solutions are imbibed into the existing political structures, as well as kept for futuristic adoptions and implementations. Political Science interfaces with other disciplines like Social Science ( Social Studies ) , Sociology, Psychology, History, Civics, Economics - Micro Economics & Macro Economics, Geography, Geospatial Technology, Legal Studies and others. Political Science is multi - disciplinary in nature and has a huge research potential.

Comparative politics, international relations, and political theory are the three main sub disciplines of contemporary political science. Public policy and administration, domestic politics and governance, political economy, and political methodology are additional noteworthy sub disciplines. The disciplines of economics, law, sociology, history, philosophy, human geography, political anthropology and psychology are also connected to and influenced by political science.

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Political science employs a wide range of methodologies, including those from psychology, social sciences, and political philosophy. Positivism, interpretivism, rational choice theory, behaviourism, structuralism, post - structuralism, realism, institutionalism, and pluralism are some of the methodologies. As one of the social sciences, political science employs approaches and techniques appropriate to the questions it seeks to answer : primary sources, like official records and historical documents, and secondary sources, like scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies, experimental research, and model development.

In the second part of the 19th century, modern political science began to develop as a social science and began to dissociate itself from political philosophy and history. It was still unusual for political science to be regarded as a separate discipline from history in the late 19th century. The term "political science" was not always distinguished from political philosophy.

 

The modern discipline has a distinct lineage that includes moral philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned with making normative judgements about what should be and determining the traits and purposes of the ideal state.

In the late 19th century, university departments and chairs bearing the name of political science were established, marking the beginning of political science as a field. A person having a PhD or master's degree in politics is typically referred to as a "political scientist." The history of political science has offered a fertile arena for the creation of both normative and positive political science, with each section of the discipline sharing certain historical predecessors.

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Political Science is a core humanities subject for students belonging to School Class 11th and Class 12th levels, as well as, various College level undergraduate and postgraduate course studies. The students of Political Science whether from Colleges, Universities or Schools come from various backgrounds and nationalities. Nevertheless, they follow regular and irregular modes of classes, learning delivery and educational support services.

 

Deep emphasis is upon the value and quality being churned out of the educational oriented support and learning delivery. All this has stark connotations, some that are quite well founded, grounded and indeed deeply cross functional in nature.

 

For school and college level studies different Boards of Education, viz, Central Board of Secondary Education - CBSE, International General Certificate of Secondary Education - IGCSE, Indian Certificate for Secondary Education - ICSE, International Baccalaureate - IB, National Institute of Open Schooling - NIOS, Indira Gandhi National Open University - IGNOU, Rajasthan Board of Secondary and Senior Secondary Education, Uttar Pradesh Board of Secondary and Senior Secondary Education, Private Candidates, Correspondence Studies, Distance Education, Private Patrachaar and other State Level Boards, very well impart educational pedagogy, scope governance and learning delivery.

In an effort to set political science apart from economics , sociology, commerce, business studies, accounting and other social sciences, the American Political Science Association and the American Political Science Review were established in 1903 and 1906, respectively. 204 people joined the APSA in 1904 ; 1,462 people did so in 1915. Political science departments that were separate from those for history, civics, geography, psychology,  philosophy, law, sociologyand macroeconomics were established in large part because to the efforts of APSA members.

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The Academy of Political Science founded the magazine Political Science Quarterly in 1886. Munroe Smith outlined political science as follows in the first issue of Political Science Quarterly: "The national science. When viewed in this light, it covers both the relationships between states as well as the structure and activities of the state." The International Political Science Association, as well as national organisations in France, Britain, and West Germany, were established in 1949, as part of a UNESCO drive to advance political science in the late 1940s.

A behavioural revolution that emphasised the systematic and meticulously scientific examination of both individual and group behaviour overtook the discipline in the 1950s and 1960s. Early works in behavioural political science, such as those by Robert Dahl, Philip Converse, and the partnership between sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld and public opinion expert Bernard Berelson, focused on analysing political behaviour rather than institutions or the interpretation of legislative texts.

The application of deductive, game - theoretic formal modelling tools to create a more analytical body of knowledge in the field took hold in the late 1960s and early 1970s. At this time, there was a spike in the amount of research that looked at political institutions like the US Congress as well as political behaviour like voting using primarily, economics theory ( microeconomics & macroeconomics ), accounting standards, commerce initiatives, legal compliances, Business & Entrepreneurship structures and methodologies.

The principal proponents of this change were William H. Riker, his colleagues, and his students at the University of Rochester. Despite significant advancements in the field's study on the basis of all the types of scholarship mentioned above, it has been noted that the field's development towards systematic theory has been inconsistent and small.

The Perestroika Movement in political science was established in 2000 as a response to what its proponents referred to as the mathematization of political science. Those who affiliated with the movement called for political science to be more relevant to people outside of it as well as for a diversity of methodology and approaches.

According to some theories of evolutionary psychology, humans have built extraordinarily sophisticated psychological defences against politics. But rather than the much bigger political institutions of the modern world, these processes evolved to deal with the small - group politics that typified the environment of the ancestors. This is said to explain a number of significant traits and recurring cognitive biases in modern politics.

Political science is a social science , as well as a sociological research oriented discipline that very intensively examines how power is distributed and transferred during decision - making, the functions and structures of government, including national and international institutions, as well as political behaviour and public policy. By looking at a variety of variables, including as stability, justice, material riches, peace, and public health, it gauges the effectiveness of governance and specific programmes.

 

By analysing politics, some political scientists try to promote positive theses, which explain things as they are rather than how they ought to be, and others try to advance normative theses, such as by offering particular policy suggestions. Politics, Business, Commerce, Economics and policy studies can be closely related to one another. For instance in comparative studies of which political institutions tend to produce particular kinds of policies.

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Keeping the above inputs in mind and on the basis of heightened significance of the discipline of Political Science, we at Wise Turtle Academy strive to deliver reasonable quality learning services, including, but not limited to, "offline Class 11th Political Science Home Lessons near me, Class 12th Political Science Online Tuition Classes near me, Online Political Science Tuition Classes near me offline" near you and near me in Greater Noida, Delhi NCR, Greater Noida West, Faridabad, Gurgaon ( Gurugram ), Ghaziabad, Alwar, Jaipur, Mumbai, Pune, Hyderabad, Bangalore ( Bengaluru ), and, other major locations in India and abroad ( Canada Ca ( British Columbia, Manitoba, Vancouver, Halifax ) , New Zealand, USA, UK, oman, Dubai, Saudi Arabia, etc..   ). 

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Political science offers analysis and forecasts regarding governmental and political issues. Political scientists study systems, processes, and political dynamics of many nations and regions of the world, frequently in an effort to inform the public or influence particular governments. Journalists, special interest groups, legislators, and the electorate may use the frameworks developed by political scientists to study topics. 

Politicians may seek the advice of political scientists, who may also run for office themselves. Governments, political parties, economics ( microeconomics & macroeconomics ) practitioners, civics implementors, historical archives, geographical investigators, sociological scientists, social researchers, commerce analysts, financial accountants, Business conductors, Entrepreneurial architects, language translators ( Hindi , English , Sanskrit ), Geospatial mappers, Science adopters, Legal Watchdogs, DS Data Science Analysts, Environmental Conservation Regulators, Mass Media Bodies, IP Informatics practitioners and civil services all employ political scientists.

 

Political scientists could be associated with political movements or non - governmental organisations ( NGOs ). Someone with a political science background can contribute value and expertise to corporations in a range of roles. Political scientists are frequently employed by private organisations including think tanks, research institutions, polling companies, and public relations businesses.

Political scientists may focus on studying political phenomena inside a single nation, such as solely the politics of the United States or China. Public opinion, constitutions, elections, public policy, foreign policy, legislatures, and judiciaries are just a few of the facts that political scientists examine. Political scientists frequently concentrate on the politics of their own nation; for instance, an Indonesian political scientist would specialise in Indonesian politics.

Political science includes topics like the theory of political transitions and techniques for assessing and foreseeing crises. There have been several approaches suggested for predicting crucial transitions as well as broad markers of crises. One of these, a simultaneous increase in variance and correlations in large groups, was proposed for crisis anticipation and may be employed successfully in a variety of contexts. The examination of the protracted stressful time before to the 2014 Ukrainian economic and political crisis served as a demonstration of its usefulness for early identification of political crises.

During the years leading up to the crisis, both the overall correlation between the 19 most prevalent worries in Ukrainian society ( which increased by around 64% ) and their statistical dispersion ( which decreased by 29% ) increased at the same time. Some significant revolutions share the trait of being unpredicted. Another notion that was created was the idea that crises and revolutions seem to be inevitable.

Attempts to forecast regime changes or significant alterations to political institutions are only one aspect of the study of big crises, including both internal and external crises that can have an impact on politics. Political scientists also research how governments respond to unanticipated crises and how citizens in democracies view their governments' crisis planning and management efforts.

Political scientists approach the study of politics from a wide range of distinct ontological viewpoints and with a number of different tools. Political science is methodologically diverse. Since political science is fundamentally the study of human psychology and behaviour, it can be difficult to replicate or repeat observations made in controlled settings in all facets of politics, even though experimental approaches are becoming more and more popular ( see experimental political science for more information ).

 

Former American Political Science Association President Lawrence Lowell once mentioned this challenge "Since experiments are impossible, we are constrained. Politics is not an experimental science. It is an observational one." In order to spot trends, make generalisations, and develop theories of politics, political scientists have historically observed political leaders, institutions, and individual psychology or group behaviour.

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Political science, like all social sciences, has trouble studying human actors. It is because they can make conscious decisions and can only be partially observed, unlike other subjects like non - human organisms in Biology ( including Botany , BioChemistryZoology , Biotechnology , Haematology , MicroBiology ), minerals in geospatial and geosciences, chemical elements in chemistry, stars in astronomy, or, particles in physics.

 

Despite the complexity, modern political science has advanced by incorporating a range of techniques and theoretical frameworks to comprehend politics; methodological diversity is a distinctive aspect of modern political science. Field experiments, surveys, survey experiments, case studies, process tracing, historical and institutional analysis, ethnography, participant observation, interview research, and case studies are all examples of empirical political science methodologies.

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To examine a variety of political systems and events, political scientists also create and employ theoretical tools like agent - based models and game theory. Political theorists employ a broad range of perspectives and methods when approaching theories of political phenomena, including feminist political theory, historical analysis linked to the Cambridge school, and Straussian methodologies.

When sociological norms or psychological biases are linked to political phenomena, for example, political science may research themes that are traditionally the focus of other social sciences. In these situations, political science could adopt their research techniques or adopt a different strategy.

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For instance, Lisa Wedeen has claimed that political science's methodological approach to the concept of culture, developed by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba and epitomised by writers like Samuel P. Huntington, could profit from a closer kinship with the study of culture in anthropology. Political scientists' approaches may, in turn, affect how academics in other disciplines, like public health, think about and approach political processes and policy.

Political science can be characterised as "a discipline which lives on the fault line between the 'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and the humanities," presumably similar to the social sciences as a whole.

Hence, if there is no separate college of arts and sciences or if the college or university prefers that it be in a different constituent college or academic department, it would be located within the school or college of arts and sciences in most American universities, especially liberal arts colleges. It is possible for political science to be placed as a separate department inside a humanities or liberal arts division or school.

While political science is typically taught by the university's public policy school at some universities, particularly research universities and in particular those that have strong collaboration between research, undergraduate, and graduate faculty with a stronger more applied emphasis in public administration. Political scientists, who also study classical thought, are marked by a great concern for "modernity" and the contemporary nation state. 

 

Whereas classical political philosophy is primarily defined by a concern for Hellenic and Enlightenment thought. As a result, political scientists and sociologists share more terminology ( e.g., structure and agency ). Political science BA programmes are available at the majority of American schools and institutions. At major universities, PhD or EdD programmes and MA or MAT degrees are typical.

 

Some institutions, particularly those outside of the United States, view political science as a subset of a larger discipline of political studies, history, economics, commerce, business studies & entrepreneurship, accounting, sociology, legal studies, civics, geospatial politics, or government. Political science is more widely used in North America than anywhere else, thus, very much an established and globally acclaimed research oriented discipline.

 

Political studies indicates a broader approach, whereas political science requires the use of the scientific method, albeit the names of degree programmes do not always correspond to their contents. At both the undergraduate and graduate levels, separate programmes typically leading to professional degrees in public administration, public policy, and international relations are prevalent. Nevertheless, not all undergraduate programmes in these subfields are offered at the undergraduate level.

At both the undergraduate and graduate levels, separate programmes often leading to professional degrees in public administration, public policy, and international relations are common. However, the majority, though not all, undergraduate education in these sub fields is typically found in academic concentrations within a political science academic major.

 

The fact that master's - level programmes in public administration are placed in the department of politics may reflect the fact that many people believe politics to be more closely related to public policy than any other discipline. While Pi Alpha Alpha is a national honour society exclusively for public administration, Pi Sigma Alpha is the primary national honour society for college and university students of government and politics in the United States.

Writings in the political sciences can be of a variety of genres, including but not limited to, research papers and argumentative essays, writing political theory, essays and articles responding to publications, texts, views, and events. Research papers, which look into an original research question are the most typical type of writing in the political sciences.

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History of Political Science :

In terms of the social sciences, the name "political science" is relatively recent, yet studying political power and the impact it had on history has been going on for centuries. The modern discipline has a clear set of antecedents, including moral philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned with deriving the qualities and functions of the ideal state and with normative determinations of what ought to be.

 

However, the term "political science" was not always distinguished from political philosophy. The word "political science" as a whole can be deficient in some particular features yet is present around the world in several fields. The Socratic political thinkers, including Aristotle ( "The Father of Political Science" ), might be seen as the ancestors of Western politics ( 384 – 322 BC ). One of the first to offer a practical definition of political science was Aristotle.

 

He thought it was a strong area of science, and it had special control on other areas, like military science. Contrary to how it was portrayed by the Greek philosophers who came before them, political philosophers like Plato and Aristotle started to study political thought in a way that gave more emphasis to the scientific side of political science. Prior to Plato, prominent playwrights, historians, and poets provided the majority of political criticism.

When the Roman Empire was at its height of prosperity, men were both documenting history as it unfolded and adding their own perspectives, as well as those who were enacting the politics of the day and affecting history as it happened. The prominent historians included Plutarch, Livy, and Polybius. These men concentrated not just on recording the rise of the Roman Empire but also on other countries' ascent and demise.

Political figures like Cicero and Julius Caesar were among the men carrying out the laws, especially jurisprudence, as they saw fit. While Caesar was a despot who maintained a tight hold on his subjects in order to safeguard his authority, he did implement reforms that would later prove advantageous to the populace. At that time, political science was the process of comprehending the influence of governing bodies, the manner in which rulers chose to enact jurisprudence oriented laws, and the overall history of certain nations.

 

Between the founding of the city of Rome in 753 BC and the fall of the Western Roman Empire or the start of the Middle Ages, over a thousand years passed. Meanwhile, there is a clear transfer of Hellenic culture into the realm of Rome. Greek philosophy and gods were eventually adopted by the Romans.

Stoicism, a Greek philosophy ( built upon psychological researches ), was incorporated into Roman jurisprudence and law constructs. For the sake of the stability of the state as a whole, the Stoic was dedicated to upholding appropriate hierarchical roles and responsibilities. Seneca, a philosopher, and Marcus Aurelius, an emperor, were two of the most prominent Roman Stoics. Some contemporary writers and historians frequently criticise Seneca, a wealthy Roman nobleman, for not sufficiently adhering to his own teachings.

On the other hand, The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius are best understood as the philosophical musings of an emperor torn between his philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to preserve the Roman Empire from its foreign adversaries through his multiple military battles. Polybius claimed that Roman institutions served as the empire's skeleton, while Goldman Law is the medulla.

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There was a wider field for political studies after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. The advent of monotheism, notably Christianity in the Western tradition, opened up new possibilities for politics and political action. By fusing modern political and philosophical ideas with Christian ones, works like Augustine of Hippo's The City of God redefined the boundaries between religion and politics.

The study of politics was common in the courts and churches during the Middle Ages. At this time, the majority of the political issues pertaining to the interaction of church and state were clarified and debated. Niccol Machiavelli founded the focus of modern political science on direct empirical observation of political structures and actors during the Italian Renaissance.

Machiavelli presents a realist perspective in The Prince, contending that even bad measures should be taken into account, if they aid in establishing and upholding a ruler's state. Machiavelli has been referred to as the founder of the "politics model" of political science and also argues against the application of idealistic ideals in politics. In the Discourses of Livy, one of Machiavelli's lesser - known works, he adopted a distinct tenor.


He elaborates on the benefits of republicanism and what it means to be a good citizen in this work. The Discourses do, however, contain certain - The Prince - related ideas as well. Later, the Enlightenment's extension of the scientific paradigm pushed the study of politics even further beyond normative judgements.

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Following is general outline of Central Board of Secondary Education CBSE / NCERT prescribed syllabus for subject Political Science for Class 11 ( Class 11th - XI ) :

Part A: Indian Constitution at Work
1. Philosophy of the Constitution

The making of the Constitution, the constituent Assembly, Procedural achievements and Philosophy of the Constitution.

2. Rights in the Indian Constitution

The importance of Rights, Fundamental Rights in the Indian Constitution, Directive Principles of State Policy, Relationship between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles.

 

3. Election and Representation

Elections and Democracy, Election System in India, Reservation of Constituencies, Free and Fair Elections, Electoral Reforms.

 

4. Legislature

Why do we need a Parliament? Two Houses of Parliament. Functions and Power of the Parliament, Legislative functions, control over Executive. Parliamentary committees. Self-regulation.

 

5. Executive

What is an Executive? Different Types of Executive. Parliamentary Executive in India, Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. Permanent Executive: Bureaucracy.

 

6. Judiciary

Why do we need an Independent Judiciary? Structure of the Judiciary, Judicial Activism, Judiciary and Rights, Judiciary and Parliament.

 

7. Federalism

What is Federalism? Federalism in the Indian Constitution, Federalism with a strong Central Government, conflicts in India's federal system, Special Provisions.

 

8. Local Governments

Why do we need Local Governments? Growth of Local Government in India, 73rd and 74th Amendments, implementation of 73rd and 74th Amendments.

 

9. Constitution as a Living Document

Are Constitutions static? The procedure to amend the Constitution. Why have there been so many amendments? Basic Structure and Evolution of the Constitution. Constitution as a Living Document.

 

Part B: Political Theory
10. Political Theory: An Introduction

What is Politics? What do we study in Political Theory? Putting Political Theory to practice. Why should we study Politial Theory?

 

11. Freedom

The Ideal of Freedom. What is Freedom? Why do we need constraints? Harm principle. Negative and Positive Liberty.

 

12. Equality

Significance of Equality. What is Equality? Various dimensions of Equality. How can we promote Equality?

 

13. Social Justice

What is Justice? Just Distribution. Justice as fairness. Pursuing Social Justice.

 

14. Rights

What are Rights? Where do Rights come from? Legal Rights and the State. Kinds of Rights. Rights and Responsibilities.

 

15. Citizenship

What is citizenship? Citizen and Nation, Universal Citizenship, Global Citizenship.

 

16. Nationalism

Nations and Nationalism, National Self-determination, Nationalism and Pluralism.

 

17. Secularism

What is Secularism? What is Secular State? The Western and the Indian approaches to Secularism. Criticisms and Rationale of Indian Secularism.

 

18. Peace

What is Peace? Can violence ever promote peace? Peace and the State. Different Approaches to the pursuit of peace. Contemporary challenges to peace.

 

19. Development

What is development? Criticism of the dominant. Development Model. Alternative conceptions of development.

 

Prescribed Books:
Indian Constitution at work, Class XI, Published by NCERT
Political Theory, Class XI, Published by NCERT

The writings of French philosophers like Voltaire, Rousseau, and Diderot, to name a few, are models for social science, political and social criticism, and political analysis. Their role in inspiring the French revolution had a significant impact on the global spread of contemporary democracy. Although, neither Machiavelli nor Thomas Hobbes believed in the divine right of monarchs, they both held the view that a strong central authority, such as a monarchy, was required to control the intrinsic selfishness of the individual. Hobbes is best known for his notion of the social contract.

In contrast, John Locke, the author of Two Treatises of Government and a non-believer in the divine right of kings, allied with Aquinas and opposed both Machiavelli and Hobbes by upholding Aristotle's principle that, as a social animal, man aspires to be happy in a condition of social harmony. Locke argued that man enters this world with a mind that is essentially a tabula rasa, in contrast to Aquinas' preponderant belief in the salvation of the soul from original sin. Locke disagrees with Hobbes' idea of an absolute monarchy, arguing that natural law is based on equality and reason and seeks to preserve humankind's ability to live in peace.

The Enlightenment's pursuit of reason gave rise to new Western intellectual foundations, which paved the way for laws emphasising the separation of religion and state. The social sciences were founded on the idea that general social theories could be based on principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences. The social environment could be used as a kind of laboratory for studying politics. "The science of politics, like most other sciences, has experienced enormous advancement," Alexander Hamilton stated in 1787, as mentioned in numbers 9 and 51 of The Federalist Papers. The abbé de Saint-Pierre and the marquis d'Argenson, both philosophers and linked enlightenment reformers, both described politics as a science.

Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin were two other significant Enlightenment players in American politics. In the late 19th century, the Darwinian theories of natural selection and evolution had a big impact. World War I destroyed the assumption that society was steadily improving.

The first generation of American political scientists, who lived from 1882-1900, had as their credo that "politics is past history and history is present politics."

 

The phrase, which was created by the Oxford professor Edward Augustus Freeman, was inscribed on the wall of the seminar room at Johns Hopkins University, where the first extensive training of political scientists and Americans began. It was founded by Westel Woodbury Willoughby, Herbert Baxter Adams at Johns Hopkins, John Burgess and William Dunning at Columbia, Woodrow Wilson at Princeton, and Albert Bushnell Hart at Harvard.

Their graduate seminars had a strong historical component that frequently reflected their participation in seminars at German universities. Yet as time went on, academic generations after them gradually reduced the history and purposeful fashion. The physical sciences were the inspiration for the second generation.

Political science developed into a respected academic discipline during the Progressive Era in the United States (1890s –1920s), as well as an applied science that was welcomed as a way to apply knowledge to issues of governance. In terms of applied political science, Woodrow Wilson, Charles A. Beard, and Charles E. Merriam were among the most well-known figures. To implement the most recent findings, numerous cities and governments set up research bureaus.

The largest professional association for political scientists was founded in 1903 and is called the American Political Science Association. An empirical method known as behavioralism ( Behaviouralism ) first appeared in the United States in the 1930s. It placed a focus on using an objective, quantitative method to understand and forecast political behaviour. Guy explains, "Behavioralism stressed the methodical analysis of all discernible political behaviour forms. Yet it also meant using exact scientific and statistical techniques to standardise testing and try to conduct a value-free investigation of the political environment.

 

Political science's primary function, according to behaviouralists, is to obtain and analyse data as thoroughly and impartially as feasible. Political science should be studied similarly to how hard sciences are studied, according to Petro, p. 6. It is connected to the development of behavioural sciences that were inspired by the natural sciences.

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The term "behavioralism" was acknowledged as a component of a larger scientific trend that was taking place concurrently throughout all of the social sciences, which are now known as the "behavioural sciences," as Guy puts it. This indicates that behavioralism seeks to explain behaviour from an objective, impartial standpoint. Instead of focusing on the traits of organisations like legislatures, executive branches, and courts, behavioralism looks at the behaviour, acts, and acts of individuals in various social contexts and tries to explain how that behaviour connects to politics.

According to Gunnell, American political scientists have adopted the concept of system as their primary theoretical framework since the 1950s. Although the concept was first introduced in sociology and other social sciences, David Easton clarified how it may be used most effectively in behavioural research on politics. 

Political science was not a top focus for the academics who ran Canada's institutions up until the 1950s because they were trained in Britain. Political economy research was favoured in Canada. Following 1950, younger academics began obtaining American PhDs at an increasing rate, and Canadian departments supported behaviourism and quantification.

Compared to American institutions, political science is practised on a lower scale in European universities. Political studies were traditionally taught by law or philosophy teachers. The European Consortium for Political Research ( ECPR ) is a unifying force due to American behavioralism impulses. It supports a number of scholarly publications, such as the European Political Science Review, European Journal of Political Research, and European Political Science ( EPS ), all of which date back to 2001 ( EPSR ).

Political studies were conducted in the Soviet Union under the cover of several other fields, such as theory of state and law, regional studies, international relations, labour movement studies, "critique of bourgeois theories," etc. From 1955, Soviet academics have participated in the International Political Science Association ( IPSA ), since 1960 by the Soviet Association of Political and State Studies.

The 11th IPSA World Congress was held in Moscow in 1979. Political science was tightly controlled by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union until the final years of the Soviet Union, which caused mistrust in the discipline. Political scientists were accused by anti-communists of being "fake" scientists and of having worked for the previous government.

The Institute of Current Social Theories and the Institute of International Affairs, two significant institutes involved in political science, were dissolved after the fall of the Soviet Union, leaving the majority of their members without employment. The initial wave of anticommunist sentiment and ideological assaults targeted these institutions. Professional political scientists from all throughout Russia are united by the Russian Political Science Association today.

The Arthashastra of Chanakya, one of the earliest works of political science in India, was composed in the third century B.C. The Arthashastra is a book on political philosophy that covers a variety of topics, including economic policy, military tactics, and international relations.

Three of the Hinduism's four Vedas, the Mahabharata, and the Pali Canon are the first political documents that come to mind when considering the forerunners of ancient Indian politics. The Rigveda, Samhitas, and Bramanas are among the Vedic writings. The Manusmriti was published about 200 years after Chanakya's period and quickly rose to prominence as another important political work for India at the time.

Contrary to popular opinion, Taoism and Confucianism are important political ideas as well as major religions. Together with legalism and mohism, these political ideas also come from Spring and Autumn Era Ancient China. This time in Chinese history was known as the Golden Era of Chinese philosophy because it gave rise to a wide variety of concepts that were openly discussed.

According to Sima Tan, there are six traditional schools of thought in Chinese philosophy, and the four political philosophies stated above are among them. Confucianism dominated Chinese political thought during the Imperial Era and changed with the times, being greatly influenced by Legalism.

Writing commentary on Aristotle's works allowed Middle Eastern Aristotelians like Avicenna and Maimonides, to continue the school's traditions of empiricism and analysis. Later, Arabia turned away from Aristotle's political science philosophy and shifted its attention to Plato's work, Republic. With this change, Republic became the cornerstone of Judeo-Islamic political thought, as seen by Al-Farabi and Averroes' writings. Political analysis can be evident in works like Omar Khayyam's Rubaiyat and Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, which were written in mediaeval Iran.

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Following is the outline of the Central Board of Secondary Education CBSE / NCERT National Council for Educational Research and Training prescribed syllabus for subject Political Science for Class 12 ( Class 12th - XII ) :

 

Part A: Contemporary World Politics
1. Cold War and Non-aligned Movement

Emergence of two power blocs/Bipolarity, Non-aligned Movement (NAM).

 

2. The End of Bipolarity

Disintegration of Soviet Union, Unipolar World, Middle East Crisis - Afghanistan, Gulf War, Democratic Politics and Democratization - CIS and the 21st Century (Arab Spring).

 

3. New Centres of Power

Organizations: European Union, ASEAN, SAARC, BRICS.

Nations: Russia, China, Israel, India.

 

4. South Asia and the Contemporary World

Conflicts and efforts for Peace and Democratization in South Asia: Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives.

 

5. United Nations and its Organizations

Principle Organs, Key Agencies: UNESCO, UNICEF, WHO, ILO, Security Council and the Need for its Expansion.

 

6. Security in Contemporary World

Security: Meaning and Types; Terrorism.

 

7. Environment and Natural Resources

Environmental Movements, Global Warming and Climate Change, Conservation of Natural Resources.

 

8. Globalization

Globalization: Meaning, Manifestations and Debates.

 

Part B: Politics in India Since Independence
9. Challenges of Nation-Building

Nation and Nation Building
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Integration of States
Legacy of Partition: Challenge of Refugee, Resettlement, Kashmir Issue, Nehru’s Approach to  Nation - Building
Political Conflicts over Language and Linguistic Organization of States.

 

10. Planning and Development

Changing nature of India’s Economic Development
Planning Commission and Five year Plans
National Development Council, NITI Aayog.

 

11. India's Foreign Policy

Principles of Foreign Policy; India’s Changing Relations with Other Nations: US, Russia, China, Israel
India’s Relations with its Neighbours: Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Myanmar
India’s Nuclear Programme
 

12. Parties and the Party Systems in India

Congress System
Bi-party System
Multi-party Coalition System

 

13. Democratic Resurgence

Jayaprakash Narayan and Total Revolution
Ram Manohar Lohia and Socialism
Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay and Integral Humanism
National Emergency
Democratic Upsurges - Participation of the Adults, Backwards and Youth

 

14. Social and New Social Movements in India

Social vs. New Social Movements
Farmer’s movements
Worker’s Movements
Women’s Movements
Ecological Movements


15. Regional Aspirations

Rise of Regional Parties
Punjab Crisis
The Kashmir issue
Movements for Autonomy

 

16. Indian Politics: Trends and Developments

Era of Coalitions: National Front, United Front, United Progressive Alliance [UPA] - I & II, National Democratic Alliance [NDA] - I, II, III & IV,

Issues of Development and Governance.

Political Thought - A Relook : 

The chronological development of political thought as well as its conceptual and methodological evolution are all included in the history of political thought. Philosophy, jurisprudencelaw, history, psychology, civics, geography, geospatial technology GT, social sciences, economics, commerce, sociology, global financial accounting, business studies, entrepreneurship, EVS environmental sciences, IP informatics practices, DS Data Science and political science are among the academic fields that cross when studying the history of political ideas. 

Ancient Greece is often cited as the birthplace of Western political theory specifically to Athenian democracy and Ancient Greek philosophy. It is customary to highlight the political philosophy of intellectuals like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle as being particularly significant and influential in such works. Comparatively, non - Western political traditions and histories have frequently been under represented in academic studies.​

 

These non - Western schools of political thought have been found, among other places, in ancient India and China, particularly in the form of early Chinese philosophy, where the Arthashastra represents an early treatise on governance and politics. In the seventh century, as Islam quickly spread over the world, another major non - Western school of political thinking came into being. Academic periodicals and university programmes have both contributed to the study of history related to political thinking.

China entered a period of peace and prosperity around 770 BCE, which facilitated the emergence of the so - called Hundred Schools of Thought, the most important of which was Confucius'. His way of thought was strongly rooted in the traditional Chinese world view, which placed the utmost importance on the concepts of duty, loyalty, and respect. He held that a leader who embodies these values may change people and society through reciprocal treatment and moral example.

 

It is because society will respond to such good leaders by imitating them. He succinctly put it like way : "If your desire is for good, the people will be good. The moral character of the ruler is the wind; the moral character of those beneath him is the grass. When the wind blows, the grass bends."

The patriarchal family had to serve as the model for society, which had to be hierarchically structured and ruled by an absolute monarch. Confucius also advocated for a meritocratic elite of administrators and advisers to be hired by the government through civil service examinations. Later Chinese intellectuals like Mozi shared his views on meritocracy and setting an example for others.

 

However, they disagreed with the family - model of government since they thought it would be nepotistic. Yet, Mencius later supported his viewpoints. Legalism, an alternative Chinese ideology, asserted that authoritarian discipline, not virtue, was essential for the state's administration. 

Ancient Rome and Greece are where European political philosophy first emerged. Around 600 BCE, individuals in these civilizations started to think about issues related to social organisation as part of their broader discussions of morality and how to live a decent life. Plato enjoyed the freedom to develop his ideas during the Athenian democracy's intellectual heyday in the fifth century, despite the fact that he abhorred democracy and every other form of government at the time.
 

This was due to Plato's contention that the state should foster the virtues essential for good living, but that the existing political structures of monarchy, oligarchy, and democracy all served to advance the interests of the powerful. Latter were those who were unaware of these virtues and would only pursue honour and wealth, resulting in conflict and injustice. In the Republic, Plato suggested that this be changed and that philosopher monarchs, who would understand how to live a decent life, should take the throne in its place.

Chanakya ( about 4th century BCE ) provided helpful suggestions on managing the government in India's Arthashastra. He also thought that a leader's virtue and their advisors' merit were crucial. He further asserted that after defeating their adversaries with the most effective means at their disposal, monarchs should "substitute their virtues for the defeated adversary's vices, and where the enemy was good they shall be twice as good." Similar subjects were covered by Manu before him in his Manusmriti.

In its entirety, Augustine of Hippo's early Christian philosophy ( and psychology ) was a reworking of Plato for a Christian audience. The fundamental shift brought about by Christianity was to temper Roman stoicism and the philosophy of justice. It was also to place an emphasis on the state's duty in demonstrating mercy as a moral example. In addition, Augustine taught that a person was either a citizen of the City of God ( Civitas Dei ) or the City of Man and was not a member of his or her city ( Civitas Terrena ).

 

After the First Fall of Rome, many Christian Romans believed that the Christian perspective might be realised on Earth, but Augustine's important work City of God opposed this idea.

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European political philosophy during the Middle Ages was greatly influenced by Christian thought. The Western church similarly put philosophy below theology, which had many similarities to Islamic attitudes. St. Thomas Aquinas, who helped reintroduce Aristotle's works — all but the Politics, which William of Moerbeke translated directly from Greek to Latin — had been preserved by Muslim academics, together with Averroes' commentaries — was arguably the most significant political philosopher of mediaeval Europe.

 

The scholastic political theory that ruled European thought for centuries was established by Aquinas's use of them. The Magna Carta, which was signed in 1215, established the idea of constitutional rights like habeas corpus. Power dynamics and ideas of where power originated in the Mediterranean region were significantly impacted by the rise of Islam, which was founded on both the Qur'an and Muhammad.

 

Early Islamic philosophy emphasised the unbreakable bond between science and religion as well as the quest for truth through ijtihad; in this sense, all philosophy was "political" because it had direct consequences for governing structures. The Mutazilite philosophers, who had a more Greek perspective and were backed by a secular nobility seeking freedom of action outside of the Caliphate, opposed this approach. But by the end of the Middle Ages, the Asharite interpretation of Islam had largely prevailed.

 

The Qur'an and the Sunnah, or the sayings and deeds of Muhammad, were the basic foundations of Islamic political thought. The famous Islamic philosophers al-Kindi ( Alkindus ), al-Farabi ( Abunaser ), bn Sina ( Avicenna ), Ibn Bajjah ( Avempace ), Ibn Rushd ( Averroes ), and Ibn Khaldun are regarded to have been the only ones to have focused on this particular topic.

 

An analysis is based on the political notions of Islam, such as kudrah, sultan, ummah, simaa, and even the "core" elements of the Qur'an, such as ibada, din, rab, and ilah. So, many more jurists and ulama submitted political concepts and theories in addition to the ideas of the Muslim political philosophers. ​For instance, the Khawarij's concepts of the Khilafa and Ummah in the very early years of Islamic history or Shia Islam's conception of the Imam are seen as examples of political philosophy.

 

In the seventh and eighth century, conflicts between Ehl-i Sunna and Shia had a distinctly political undertone. Ibn Khaldun, an Arab scientist who lived in the 14th century, is regarded as one of the finest political theorists. The British philosopher and anthropologist Ernest Gellner regarded Ibn Khaldun's description of government as the best in the annals of political theory: "an institution which prevents injustice other than that which it commits itself."

After roughly a century of theological political thinking in Europe, secular political philosophy started to emerge. Niccol Machiavelli's The Prince, written between 1511 and 1512 and published in 1532, after Machiavelli's death, was one of the most important books throughout this developing era. The Discourses, a thorough examination of the classical era, and that work both had a significant impact on Western modern political philosophy.

Some people, like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, would read The Prince as satire that was intended to criticise the Medici after they retook Florence and drove Machiavelli out of Florence. Machiavelli backed the Republic of Florence rather than the Medici family oligarchy, despite the fact that the work was intended for the Medici family in an attempt to persuade them to release him from exile.

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In any case, Machiavelli offers a realistic and somewhat consequentialist vision of politics in which good and evil are merely tools for achieving a specific goal, namely the upkeep of political power. During the English Renaissance at the beginning of the 17th century, Thomas Hobbes, who is well-known for his notion of the social contract, goes on to develop this viewpoint.

With his work Two Treatises of Government, John Locke in particular typified this new era of political theory. Locke makes a state-of-nature theory in it, which directly supports his view of how political evolution happens and how it can be based on contractual duty. Sir Robert Filmer's patriarchally based political philosophy was challenged by John Locke in favour of a natural system based on nature in a specific system.

The discovery of other American societies, the shifting demands of political societies, especially in the wake of the English Civil War, the American Revolution, and the French Revolution, and new theories about what the human being was and is, as well as about the definition of reality and how it was perceived, all contributed to the Enlightenment period's development of new questions and insights by thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu, and John Locke.

Two fundamental problems drove these theorists: first, what right or need does it give people to form states, and second, what is the finest possible shape for a state. To answer these fundamental problems, it was necessary to distinguish between the terms "state" and "government." It was determined that the term "state" would refer to a group of lasting organisations that would distribute power and provide justification for its use.

 

The term "government" would be used to describe the particular persons who were in charge of making the laws and regulations that bound all citizens, including the government, at any given moment. It encompasses political structures and influential outcomes of the inter dependencies among various facets of human evolution and civilisations.

Although some political scientists, philosophers, historians, and cultural anthropologists have argued that most political action in any given society occurs outside of its state and that there are societies that are not organised into states but which nevertheless must be considered in terms of politics, this conceptual distinction still exists in political science.

These theories had a significant impact on political and economic relations because they replaced the guild concept with the theory of free trade. Additionally, Protestant churches affiliated with each nation - state challenged the dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in theology and preached in the local language, which the Roman Catholic Church frequently denounced angrily. It took a long time for these concepts to reach cultures outside of Europe.

Societies underwent a profound upheaval throughout the Industrial Revolution. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels consequently rose to prominence as the earliest proponents of socialism and communism. Vladimir Lenin expanded on their concepts, creating the Leninism philosophy. These concepts would be refined further under Joseph Stalin into Marxism - Leninism and implemented in the Soviet Union and later the Eastern Bloc.

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This school of thinking would also give rise to Maoism, Ho Chi Minh Thinking, Hoxhaism, and Titoism throughout the Cold War. The concept of imperialism went hand in hand with the advent of colonialism, which was made possible by industrialization. Eventually, anti-imperialist ideologies like Gandhianism and Nasserism would oppose this.

Political Economy - A Review :

Political economy is the study of the interactions between political systems, such as law, institutions, social science & human systems, Sociology,  government, and economic systems, such as markets and national economies. Systems like labour markets and financial markets, as well as phenomena like growth, distribution, inequality, and trade are well analysed. Additionally, how these are impacted by institutions, laws, and government policies, are all well studied phenomena within the subject. 

 

It has its roots in the 16th century and is the forerunner of the contemporary field of economics. Modern political economy is seen as an inter disciplinary field that draws on both political science and contemporary economics theory. Political economy is a branch of western moral philosophy that dates back to the 16th century. The term "political economy" is derived from the Greek words "polity" and "economy," which both refer to the management of households.

 

Although French physiocrats like François Quesnay ( 1694-1774 ) and Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot came before the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo in developing political economics, they are typically given credit for the field's initial works ( 1727 – 1781 ). With the development of mathematical modelling and the release of Alfred Marshall's renowned textbook in 1890, the term "economics" gradually started to take the place of "political economy" in the late 19th century.

 

Prior to this, William Stanley Jevons, a supporter of the application of mathematics to the field, argued in favour of the term "economics" for its conciseness and the goal of it being "the recognised name of a science." According to measurement metrics from Google Ngram Viewer, use of the term "economics" started to replace "political economy" around 1910 and took over as the favoured phrase by 1920. Clara Mattei, an economist, claims that this transition was caused by the growing acceptance of classical liberalism as jurisprudence or the natural law.

It remained during the First World War despite evidence to the contrary. Currently, the term "economics" typically refers to the in - depth examination of the economy without taking into account other political and social factors, whereas the term "political economy" designates a different and competing methodology, household management. Although French physiocrats like François Quesnay ( 1694 - 1774 ) and Anne - Robert - Jacques Turgot came before the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo in developing political economics. 

 

They are typically given credit for the field's initial works ( 1727 – 1781 ). Political economy was originally defined as the study of the circumstances under which production or consumption, within certain bounds, was organised in nation - states. In this way, political economy, which derives from the Greek words oikos ( meaning "home" ) and nomos, increased the emphasis on economics ( meaning jurisprudence or "law" or "order" ). 

 

Political economy was designed to describe the laws of wealth production at the state level, just like economics is concerned with maintaining order in the family. The famous book Traité de l'economie politique by Antoine de Montchrétien, which is translated as "Political Economy," is credited with introducing the term "économie politique" to France for the first time in 1615.

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Several modern academics credit Ibn Khaldun, a Tunisian Arab historian and sociologist who worked on defining "profit" and "sustenance," or surplus and that required for the reproduction of classes, respectively, in modern political economy, as the originator of this subject. In his greatest book, the Muqaddimah, he further develops these concepts and asks for the development of a science to explain society. According to Al-Muqaddimah, which is regarded as a modern forerunner to Classical Economic thinking, “Civilization and its well-being, as well as business prosperity, depends on productivity and people’s efforts in all directions in their own interest and profit”.

The French physiocrats were the first significant political economists, however Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, David Ricardo, Henry George, and Karl Marx generally earn considerably more credit for their intellectual answers to the physiocrats. In 1754, the University of Naples Federico II in southern Italy created the first political economy professorship in history. The first professor with tenure was the philosopher from Naples, Antonio Genovesi.

At the University of Vienna in Austria, Joseph von Sonnenfels was given the position of Political Economics chair in 1763. At the East India Company College in Haileybury, Hertfordshire, Thomas Malthus was appointed England's first political economy professor in 1805. Currently, the term "political economy" refers to a variety of inter connected methods for analysing economic behaviour, ranging from the integration of economics with other disciplines to the application of new, fundamental hypotheses that contradict traditional economic assumptions.

Political institutions, the political environment, and the economic system — whether capitalist, socialist, communist, or mixed — all influence one another, and political economy is most often used to describe inter disciplinary studies that combine economics, sociology, and political science to explain this relationship.

Political economy has three sub - areas according to the Journal of Economic Literature classification codes: (1) the role of government and / or class and power relationships in resource allocation for each type of economic system; (2) international political economy, which examines the effects of international relations on the economy; and (3) economic models of political or exploitative class processes. There is typically a difference made between comparative political economy and international political economy within the discipline of political science.

 

Latter is studied by comparative politics scholars. A micro - foundations theory with strong ties to political economy is public choice theory. In contrast to the view attributed to older mainstream economists that government officials aim to maximise individual utility from some form of social welfare function, both models portray voters, legislators, and bureaucrats as acting primarily in their own interests. As a result, economists and political scientists frequently equate political economy with methods based on rational - choice assumptions.

Political Economics principles are leveraged, particularly when using game theory to study phenomena outside the purview of traditional economics, such as complex decision - making and government failure. In these contexts, the term "positive political economy" is frequently used. Analysis of public policy subjects like economic regulation, monopoly, rent - seeking, market protection, institutional corruption, and distributional politics are among other "classic" topics.

The impact of elections on the selection of economic policy, factors that affect election outcomes and forecasting models, political business cycles, central bank independence, and the politics of large deficits are all included in empirical analysis. The modelling of economic policy and political institutions has recently focused on the interactions between agents and these institutions, especially the seeming contradiction between economic policy and economists' advice when viewed through the perspective of transaction costs.

The area has grown since the middle of the 1990s, helped in part by new cross - national data sets that allow testing of theories regarding comparative economic systems, social science systems and institutions. The division of countries, the history, geography, civics, sociology, laws, and historical development of political institutions and their rate of change in relation to economic development, financial markets, and regulation, the significance of institutions, backwardness, reform, and transition economies are the primary influencing factors. 

 

Equally significant and crucial, but secondary. Such factors comprise of the contribution of culture, ethnicity, and gender to the explanation of economic outcomes, macroeconomic policy, the environment, fairness, microeconomics and the relationship between constitutional provisions and economic policy, are just a few of the theoretical and empirical topics that have been covered. There are other critical factors from a political and economic mix perspective. They alter and bring about considerable changes to the political landscape, thus, hinting at it's importance.

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According to the traditions of Marxian political economy, new political economics may consider economic ideology as the phenomenon to explain. In other words, it views economic ideas and behaviour not as frameworks for analysis but as beliefs and actions that must themselves be explained, according to Charles S. Maier's suggestion that a political economy approach "interrogates economic doctrines to disclose their sociological and political premises."

 

This methodology is applied in Colin Hay's The Political Economy of New Labour, Manchester University Press, 1999, and Andrew Gamble's The Free Economy and the Strong State, Palgrave Macmillan, 1988. Also, it influences a lot of the articles in New Political Economy, an international publication established in 1996 by researchers at Sheffield University. 

 

International political economy ( IPE ) is a multidisciplinary field that examines how different actors act. Chris Brown, an expert in international relations, claims that Susan Strange, a professor at the University of Warwick, "nearly single - handedly created international political economics as an area of study." These methods are connected to the American magazine International Organization, which was edited by Robert Keohane, Peter J. Katzenstein, and Stephen Krasner in the 1970s and which later rose to prominence among IPE journals.

 

They are linked to the publication The Review of International Political Economy as well. There is also a more critical school of IPE, led by Matthew Watson and Robert W. Cox, and influenced by theorists like Antonio Gramsci and Karl Polanyi. Anthropologists, sociologists, and geographers use the term "political economy" to describe how political or economic regimes develop, mostly at the level of states or regional government, but sometimes within smaller social groupings, social studies and social networks.

 

The investigation of factors lacking a common economic value, such as the political economy of language, gender, or religion, frequently draws on ideas from Marxian criticisms of capital because these regimes shape and are shaped by the organisation of both social and economic capital. Such methods build on the theories of André Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein's and Immanuel Latour's neo-Marxian studies on development and under development.

 

Political economy has been used by historians to examine how individuals and organisations with similar economic interests have utilised politics in the past to change things that benefited their interests. A contemporary endeavour in legal study to directly interact with political economics literature is called political economy and law. Legal realists like Robert Hale and intellectuals like John Commons engaged political economy - related topics in the 1920s and 1930s.

 

Lawyers affiliated with the Chicago School of law adopted some economics - related academic traditions in the latter half of the 20th century. Legal scholars, particularly those who study international law, have begun to overtly interact with the arguments, research methods, and numerous themes found in literature on political economy after the crisis of 2007, though. 

 

Thomas Piketty called for the reintroduction of political consideration and understanding of political science in general into the field of economics as a way to strengthen the discipline and address its flaws, which had become apparent in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. 

 

King's College London became the official home of the only Department of Political Economics in the entire United Kingdom in 2010. This academic unit was justified by the claims that "politics and economics are intricately intertwined" and that "it is impossible to fully comprehend political processes without examining the economic framework in which politics occurs." Professors Tony Payne and Colin Hay established the Sheffield Political Economics Research Institute ( SPERI ) at The University of Sheffield in 2012.

 

It was developed as a way to combine political and economic studies of capitalism, which its creators believed were insufficient when studied separately to fully understand the 2008 financial crisis. The Political Economics UK Group, often known as PolEconUK, was founded as a research group in the study of political economy in 2017. It has a yearly conference and counts Oxford, Cambridge, King's College London, Warwick University, and the London School of Economics among its affiliates.

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Political Theology - An overview :

The phrase "political theology" has been used in a wide range of contexts by authors looking at various facets of Christians' interactions with politics. It has been used to explore Thomas Aquinas' De Regno: On Kingship, Augustine of Hippo's City of God, and Augustine of Hippo's Summa Theologica. It has also been used to describe the writings of Protestant reformers Martin Luther and John Calvin as well as the Eastern Orthodox understanding of symphonia.

 

Christian political thinking has a long history of equating politics, statecraft, and worldly power with the more general category of carnal literalism, labelled as "Semitic" by the Pauline tradition. ​With the distinction between Jew and Christian being mapped onto the difference between mortal and eternal, private and public, tyrant and legitimate king, this tradition fostered a tendency to analyse political error in terms of Judaism.

 

Due to this history, Jews have frequently been identified as the foes of the political ideal of transcendence, and possibly still are. Political theology is a field of study that dates back to the 20th century even though there have been debates about the political dimensions of Christianity, Islam, Confucianism, and other faiths for millennia.

The term's more contemporary usage is frequently linked to the writings of renowned German political theorist Carl Schmitt. Schmitt maintained in his article Politische Theologie ( 1922 ), written in the midst of the turmoil of the German Weimar Republic, that the primary ideas of contemporary politics were secularised versions of earlier theological ideas. Schmitt's book was a response to Mikhail Bakunin, who had used the phrase in his 1871 work "The Political Theology of Mazzini and the International."

 

He made the case in Leviathan, drawing on Thomas Hobbes, that the state exists to uphold its own integrity in order to keep society in order during times of crisis. The political world of the clergy by Ted Jelen and Clyde Wilcox, respectively, and The Gathering Storm in the Churches by Jeffrey K. Hadden and Harold Quinley, respectively, have been used to distinguish between the leftist focus on collective "social justice" and the rightist traditional concern with individual "moral reform" in political theology.

 

While Schmitt may have coined the phrase and its current usage, Kwok Pui-lan has argued that political theologies were likewise evolving elsewhere in the world, including in Asia, following very different trajectories. For instance, the Protestant Wu Yaozong in China in the 1930s argued that both China and the globe needed a social revolution to be saved. This would also apply to the Protestants' involvement in early 20th-century Korean nationalism.

 

In recent years, numerous influential non-Christian philosophers, including Jürgen Habermas, Odo Marquard, Giorgio Agamben, Simon Critchley, and Slavoj Zizek, have written extensively on the subject of political theology. Islamic political theology has also been the subject of increasing discussion since the turn of the twenty - first century, particularly in historically Christian - dominated Western societies.

 

Political theology emerged as a significant issue in legal theory in the 1990s and early 2000s, particularly in constitutional law, international law, and legal history. The literature strongly references the work of Ernesto Laclau, Carl Schmitt, and other political philosophers, as well as current political events like the "War on Terror." "Public theology" is a different phrase that frequently fills a comparable area in academic discourse. It is argued that public theology is more focused on civil society and civics, whereas political theology is more focused on the state or the government.

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Chinese government officials, academics, and religious leaders have all responded to the topic of the link between religion and politics in political theology. This was structured over a period of two millennia based on a Confucian view of politics and religion, which was frequently described in terms of Confucian political philosophy. Throughout its history, Chinese Buddhism has offered a challenge to the political influence of Confucianism at various times. Communist interpretations of religion, however, have dominated the conversation since the middle of the 20th century.

The Church of the East's interactions with the Emperor Taizong and Jesuit missionaries in the Ming court represent one of Christianity's early  meetings in the nation throughout the imperial period. Yet following the founding of the Republic of China and People's Republic of China, it has grown the most in the 20th and 21st centuries, particularly with the emergence of the Three - Self Patriotic Movement and house churches.

German political theology has been heavily influenced by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel ( 1770 – 1831 ) throughout much of its history. This is especially evident in the writings of theologian Johann Baptist Metz, a Roman Catholic born in 1928 who extensively examined the idea of political theology. "But, faced with conditions in God's creation that cry out to heaven, how can the theology of the creator God avoid the charge of apathy unless it takes up the language of a suffering God," he wrote in support of the idea of a "suffering God" who shared the anguish of his creation.

 

As a result, Metz creates a theology that is associated with Marxism. He critiques what he called "bourgeois Christianity" and thinks that because of its entanglement with bourgeois religion, the Christian Gospel has lost some of its credibility. From this angle, he develops apologetics, or foundational theology, in his book Faith in History and Society. Jürgen Moltmann and Dorothee Sölle were two more important German political theologians. The idea of a suffering God is crucial to Moltmann's theological theology, just as it is in Metz' writing.

 

Ernst Bloch, a Marxist philosopher, had a significant influence on Moltmann's political theology. Liberation theology also had a significant impact on Moltmann, Sölle, and Metz. The Frankfurt School of critical theory, in particular Walter Benjamin and the Frankfurt School's broader critique of modernity, was another early influence. Odo Marquard's essay "In Favor of Polytheism," published in 1979, sparked debate and discussion. It makes the case that polytheism is where the concept of the division of powers originated.

 

It suggests a political theology based on "enlightened polymythical thinking." In the Middle East, Christian scholars and leaders have developed a religious approach to political issues called Christian political theology. Political theologians attempt to strike a compromise between the needs of a volatile area and the complex but lengthy history of Christianity in the Middle East. Due to the tiny number of Christian minority in the Middle East, this has led to a range of political theologies that is disproportional.

 

The Middle East's political theologies are influenced by the region's significance to Christians globally. Both historically and as a source of doctrinal authority for many churches. Many Christian leaders approach political theology with a survival mentality. Many Arab Christians consider themselves to be the heirs of a strong Christian heritage that is under threat from local upheaval and persecution because of their faith. Their political theology differs in that their primary political objective is survival.

In order to solicit support for humanitarian or political causes, Arab Christian leaders have occasionally used both challenges to their own denominations and more general appeals to Christian unity. At times, Christian politicians play down their religion in public to keep peace with their Muslim neighbours. Many Christians in the Middle East saw secular politics in the middle of the 20th century as a way to escape their historical position as a minority group in the Islamic world.

Christians were active participants in the pan - Arab nationalism movement in the middle of the 20th century, and nationalist governments all over the region valued their contributions because of their familiarity with Western politics and generally high educational aspirations. One notable example is Michel Aflaq, an Eastern Orthodox Christian who organised the first Ba'ath party in Damascus in the 1940s with the help of students. He thought that the greatest way for Christians to succeed in the Middle East was through nationalism.

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Thus, Christians should accept Islam as a part of their cultural identity. Political theology in sub - Saharan Africa, which sprang out of nationalist movements in the middle to late twentieth century elsewhere and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, examines the connection between theology and politics. Sub - Saharan Africa has a growing Christian population, which has raised awareness of Christian solutions to the persistent problems of poverty, violence, and war in the area. 

Theologian and sociologist Jean - Marc Éla from Cameroon claims that African Christianity "must be formulated from the difficulties of our people, from their pleasures, from their sufferings, from their dreams and from their disappointments today." Postcolonial theology, liberation theology, and global black theology all have a significant impact on African theology.

Similar to Metz in terms of theology's application in daily life, Reinhold Niebuhr likewise established a theology. Niebuhr served as the president of the Socialist Party of America in the 1930s; even though he eventually left the organisation, socialist ideology played a significant role in his development of Christian realism. Moral Man and Immoral Society : A Study of Ethics and Politics is the Niebuhr text that most demonstrates his relationship with political theology ( 1932 ).

Stanley Hauerwas is one of the most significant theologians of the modern era, however he prefers to refer to his work as "theological politics." Both Reinhold and H. Richard Niebuhr's political theologies have been openly criticised by Hauerwas, who has also regularly criticised Christians who seek political influence and ally themselves with secular political ideologies. He has also been a harsh critic of liberal democracy, capitalism, and militarism, contending that they are all incompatible with Christian beliefs.

Understanding Political Ethics :

Making moral judgements about political conduct and political agents is the practise of political ethics, usually referred to as political morality or public ethics. It addresses two topics. The first relates to public officials and their procedures, and is often known as the ethics of process or the ethics of office. The second category is the ethics of policy also known as ethics and public policy, which deals with assessments of laws and policies.

When the term's origins and steady growth are considered, the idea of political morality can be clearly comprehended. Historically, the fundamental ideals and standards of political morality have been formed from the concepts of fairness. 

John Rawls, however, advocates the idea that, in the end, the political notion of justice is founded on the common good of the individual rather than on the moral standards one is obliged to uphold. People also rely on their own perceived definition of morality when seeking to assess the morality of political matters. There are various moral pillars from which the idea of morality itself comes. People's perceptions of political activities and political agents are influenced by morality when viewed through the prism of these tenets.

One of the most well - known political philosophers who discussed political ethics and later subverted them was Niccol Machiavelli. He disagreed with Aristotle in that he thought a political leader would be forced to act evilly in order to preserve his position of power.

A variation of this concept has been reframed as the dirty hands problem in modern democracies. Michael Walzer, who made this argument most famously, claims that the problem results in a contradiction where the politician must occasionally "do wrong to do good." Though justified, the politician's use of violence to stop further bloodshed is nonetheless reprehensible. Walzer's point of view has drawn flak.

Some detractors argue that the politician is either warranted or not. There is nothing wrong, even though he might feel bad, if justified. Others claim that regardless of the purposes, some of the violent acts that Walzer would condone are never acceptable. According to Dennis Thompson, if an action is unreasonable, the leader's hands are also in the muck since in a democracy the people should hold the leader accountable.

 

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The dilemma of many hands occurs when it is difficult to determine who is really in charge of the results in large organisations. Political ethics allows leaders to act in ways that would be improper in their personal lives while also requiring them to uphold greater standards than would be expected in their personal lives. For instance, they can be less entitled to privacy than regular citizens and forbidden from using their position for personal gain. The key difficulties in this situation eventually revolve around the idea of conflict of interest.

Political morality and personal or private morality are frequently seen as having a conflict of interest, as was previously mentioned. But, it's crucial to understand that these two moral conceptions are capable of continuing their mutually beneficial interaction. These ideals permeate both the personal and public spheres of morality, regardless of whether a person is active in politics as a leader or as a citizen.

A person who acquired the required abilities in the political sphere may use these learned skills in a context outside of politics, which is frequently seen as a private everyday situation. On the other hand, a person entering politics may already possess the traits and values anticipated in a professional setting. As a result, as expected, the previously held values will be applied to the new political environment. If the traits were not already learnt, reciprocity, as in the context of acquiring such traits, is frequently present when entering the field.

 

Although the expectations for both morality categories differ, there is at least some correlation between them. The virtues and values simply factor in and apply to both environments, regardless of how they came to be held. Individuals who have entered the competitive political environment understand that while morals and virtues can undoubtedly have an impact, developing one's character before entering can be extremely advantageous.

In a different method that is pertinent to this topic of political ethics, personal morality is also taken into account when determining public morality, as was covered in the preceding section. Given that the United States is a democratic republic, public morality is frequently described as being "formal." Respecting authority and upholding the law are just two essential elements in achieving the idea of public morality. These characteristics are anticipated from someone who actively engages in politics and are eventually necessary for the conduct of political leaders.

Despite the fact that every citizen has their own opinions and morals regarding a particularly contentious issue, political leaders have a responsibility to uphold their constituents' beliefs while abiding by the law and the constitution.

The disputes among the purposes themselves, rather than the conflict between methods and ends, are what matter most in the other domain of political ethics. For instance, in the debate over global justice, there is a tension between the demands of nation states and their residents on the one hand, and the demands of all human beings on the other. Priority has typically been given to national interests, but in recent years, intellectuals known as cosmopolitans have pushed the demands of all world citizens.

Whilst individuals and philosophers may dispute on what ideal justice entails, political ethics is primarily concerned with implementing moral principles in democratic society. How, if at all, can governments defend policies like progressive taxation, affirmative action, the right to an abortion, universal healthcare, and the like in a pluralist society. Political ethics also addresses the moral issues that arise when political concessions, disclosure of information, civil disobedience, and criminal punishment are required.

 

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There are two major categories of moral foundations, individualising foundations and binding foundations, according to Graham et al. (2009).

Individualising foundations :
The harm / care foundation and the fairness / reciprocity foundation or the ethics of justice are the two individualising moral foundations or ethics of care. The former is a person's desire for reciprocity and justice. The latter is concerned with a person's concern for others.

Binding Foundations :

The three unifying pillars are kinship / loyalty, power / respect, and sanctity / purity. The first two relate to a person's sense of belonging and attachment to a group dynamic and are connected with emotions like patriotism, obedience, etc. The third corresponds to an individual's sense of self. The final basis, or ethic of divinity, is a person's desire to restrain or regulate humanity's natural tendencies towards lust, selfishness, etc., usually through spirituality.

Graham et al. ( 2009 ) studied whether explicit or implicit political identities have a particular impact on moral judgements regarding politics. Political identification provided explicitly by the study participant is referred to as explicit political identity. An IAT test is used by scientists to establish a participant's implicit political identity.

They discovered that when liberals made moral judgements about political matters, they assigned more weight to the individualising foundations than the binding foundations for both expressly and implicitly given identities. The conservatives, on the other hand, appeared to weigh both types of foundations almost equally. They do point out that this distinction is not always applicable across time and location, though.

Politics cannot include ethics, according to some detractors who call themselves political realists. Politicians cannot be constrained by moral principles if they are to function effectively in the actual world. They must act in the interest of the country. Walzer does, however, point out that if the realists are pressed to defend their statements, they will nearly always cite their own moral standards, such as to demonstrate how ethics is detrimental or ineffective.

Another type of critique comes from individuals who contend that instead of focusing so much on politicians and policy, we should pay closer attention to society's bigger structures because that is where the most significant ethical issues are. Political ethics proponents reply that although structural injustice should not be disregarded, placing too much attention on structures leaves out the human agents in charge of correcting them.

Political Philosophy and Political Theory - Brief Summary :

Political philosophy, sometimes known as political theory, is the philosophical study of politics, focusing on issues such as the character, authority, and connections of public institutions and agents. Politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of laws by authority are some of the topics covered in this book.

 

They also cover what laws are, whether they are necessary, what constitutes a legitimate government, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, what obligations citizens may have to such a government, if any, and when such a government may be overthrown legally, if at all. The political nature of phenomena and concepts including identity, culture, sexuality, race, money, human-nonhuman connections, ethics, religion, and more are some of the larger-scale issues that political theory addresses. 

Political philosophy, sometimes known as political theory, is the philosophical study of politics, focusing on issues such as the character, authority, and connections of public institutions and agents. Politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of laws by authority are some of the topics covered in this book. They also cover what laws are, whether they are necessary, what constitutes a legitimate government, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, what obligations citizens may have to such a government, if any, and when such a government may be overthrown legally, if at all.

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The political nature of phenomena and concepts including identity, culture, sexuality, race, money, human-nonhuman connections, ethics, religion, and more are some of the larger-scale issues that political theory addresses. Although the term "political science," or "the scientific study of politics," is typically used in the singular, it is also used in the plural in French and Spanish as sciences politiques and ciencias polticas, respectively, which may reflect the eclectic nature of the discipline.

Political philosophy is a subfield of philosophy, but it has also contributed significantly to political science, which historically has placed a heavy emphasis on both the development of political theory and its present state from normative political theory to various critical approaches. The area is described as "a multidisciplinary activity whose centre of gravity rests at the humanities end of the luckily still undisciplined discipline of political science" in the Oxford Handbook of Political Theory from 2009.

Political theory's identity has long been challenged by how to situate itself productively in three different contexts: in relation to the academic disciplines of political science, history, and philosophy; between the concrete realm of politics and the more abstract, ruminative register of theory; and between canonical political theory and the more recent resources, such as feminist and critical theory, discourse analysis, film and film theory, popular and political culture, etc..

Indian political thought established a dividing line between (1) country and state and (2) state and religion in antiquity. Hindu states' constitutions developed over time and were based on accepted social norms as well as legal and political treatises. The institutions of state were essentially separated into administration, law and order, defence, diplomacy, governance, and diplomatic relations.

The King, Prime Minister, Army Commander in Chief, and Chief Priest of the King made up Mantranga, the primary governmental body of these states. Together with the chief executive, the prime minister presided over the committee of ministers as Maha Amatya. Indian political philosopher Chanakya lived in the fourth century BC.

The Arthashastra describes the science of politics for a wise ruler, foreign policy, military tactics, a spy state's surveillance apparatus, and state economic stability. Chanakya made reference to a number of authorities, including Bruhaspati, Ushanas, Prachetasa Manu, Parasara, and Ambi. He also claimed to be a political philosopher's descendant, with his father Chanaka serving as his immediate forebear. The Sukra Neeti is a significant contemporary Indian work on political theory. The Manusmti or Laws of Manu are an illustration of a rule of law from prehistoric India.

Confucius, who lived in the sixth century BC, is specifically credited with developing Chinese political theory during the Spring and Autumn era. In response to the social and political breakdown of the nation that was a feature of the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Chinese political theory was created. Confucianism, Legalism, Mohism, Agrarianism, and Taoism were the five main philosophies of the time, and each had a political component to their philosophical schools.

 

Political philosophies developed by thinkers like Confucius, Mencius, and Mozi were based on political stability and unification. Confucianism promoted a hierarchical, meritocratic system of administration based on compassion, allegiance, and social ties. Legalism promoted a highly authoritarian system of government centred on harsh penalties and regulations.

Mohism promoted a decentralised, community government based on austerity and asceticism. The Agrarians promoted communalism and egalitarianism as peasant utopias. Proto-anarchism was promoted by Taoism. Throughout the Qin Dynasty, legalism dominated politics; but, in the Han Dynasty, State Confucianism took its place. Up until the 20th century, State Confucianism was China's preeminent political theory before communism was adopted there.

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Greek philosophy, where political philosophy has roots at least as far back as Plato, is where Western political philosophy gets its start. City-states, which experimented with many political structures, were the dominant political unit in ancient Greece. Republic, timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny are the five categories Plato divided political systems into according to their stability and morality. Plato's Republic is one of the earliest and most significant classical works of political philosophy, and it was followed by Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics. The Stoics and the Roman statesman Cicero had an impact on Roman political thought.

Plato had a significant impact on Augustine of Hippo's early Christian philosophy. The Roman world's stoicism and idea of justice were moderated by Christian theology, and emphasis was placed on the duty of the state in demonstrating mercy as a moral example. In addition, Augustine taught that a person was either a citizen of the Earthly City or the City of God ( Civitas Dei ), not their own city ( Civitas Terrena ). The influential work of this era, Augustine's City of God, refuted the belief that the Christian worldview might be realised on Earth, which was shared by many Christian Romans at the time.

Thomas Aquinas carefully examined the many schools of legal philosophy. Aquinas identified four categories of law : Eternal law ( "the divine government of everything" ), Divine positive law ( having been "posited" by God; external to human nature ), Natural law ( the right way of living discoverable by natural reason; what cannot - not be known; internal to human nature ), Human law ( often known as "law," which includes customary law and Communitas Perfecta law ). The nature or division of canon law are never discussed by Aquinas. The position of canon law within the Thomistic jurisprudential framework is a topic of academic discussion. Aquinas was a major figure in the Natural Law school of thought.

Power dynamics and conceptions of where power originated in the Mediterranean region underwent significant change with the rise of Islam, which was founded on both the Qur'an and Muhammad. Early Islamic philosophy emphasised the unbreakable bond between science and religion as well as the quest for truth through ijtihad; in this sense, all philosophy was "political" because it had direct consequences for governing structures.

The "rationalist" Mutazilite philosophers, who held a more Hellenic perspective and placed reason above revelation, opposed this point of view. As a result, they are regarded by modern scholars as the first speculative theologians of Islam; they were backed by a secular aristocracy that yearned for freedom of action outside of the Caliphate. Yet, by the late ancient era, the "traditionalist" Asharite interpretation of Islam had largely prevailed. The Asharites hold that reason must yield to the Quran and the Sunna.

Islamic political thought was in fact theocratic in nature because it was based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah, which are the sayings and deeds of Muhammad. Yet, it is usually believed in Western thought that it was a particular field limited only to the great Islamic philosophers, like al-Kindi ( Alkindus ), al - Farabi ( Abunaser ), bn Sina ( Avicenna ), ibn bajjah ( Avempace ), and ibn rushd ( Averroes ).

The "fundamental" concepts of the Qur'an — i.e., ibadah ( worship ), din ( religion ), rab ( master ), and ilah ( deity ) — as well as the political notions of Islam, such as kudrah ( power ), sultan, ummah, cemaa ( duty ), are used as the foundation for an analysis. So, many more jurists and ulama submitted political concepts and theories in addition to the ideas of the Muslim political philosophers.

For instance, the Khawarij's concepts of the Khilafa and Ummah in the very early years of Islamic history or Shia Islam's conception of the Imam are seen as examples of political philosophy. In the seventh and eighth century, conflicts between Ehl-i Sunna and Shia had a distinctly political undertone. Yet, theism was not the only source of political thinking. Aristotleanism grew in popularity as peripatetic philosophers who applied Aristotle's principles to the Islamic environment emerged throughout the Islamic Golden Period. This philosophical school, which asserted that human reason transcended mere coincidence and revelation, included Abunaser, Avicenna, and Ibn Rushd.

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For instance, they held that natural phenomena occur because of rules established by god, not because god directly intervened unlike Al-Ghazali and his followers. Nizam al-Mulk, a Persian scholar and vizier of the Seljuq Empire who wrote the Siyasatnama, or the "Book of Administration" in English, was another famous political thinker of the era. He describes the function of the state in relation to political matters in it, including its responsibility to defend the weak and reward the deserving as well as how to deal with political opponents without harming the government's reputation.

In his other writings, he discusses how the government should handle various matters, such as giving immigrants from the north like the Turkmens who were arriving, various jobs in present day southern Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Ibn Khaldun, an Arab scientist who lived in the 14th century, is regarded as one of the finest political theorists.

The British philosopher and anthropologist Ernest Gellner regarded Ibn Khaldun's concept of government as the best in the annals of political theory : "an institution which prevents wrong other than that which it commits itself." Ibn Khaldun believed that government should be kept to a minimum since it is a necessary evil that restricts men by other men.

Christian thought had a significant impact on European political theory during the Middle Ages. The Roman Catholics believed that subordinating philosophy to theology did not reduce reason to revelation but, in the case of inconsistencies, subjugated reason to faith as the Asharite of Islam, which had many similarities to Mutazilite Islamic thought. The Scholastics highlighted the possible harmony between reason and revelation by fusing Aristotle's philosophy with St. Augustine's Christianity.

 

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St. Thomas Aquinas, who helped reintroduce Aristotle's works and the commentaries of Averroes, may have been the most important political philosopher of mediaeval Europe. His works had previously only been communicated to Catholic Europe through Muslim Spain. Due to the dominance of scholastic political theory in European thinking for centuries, up until the Renaissance, Aquinas's use of them set the stage. 

Aquinas, who originated the notion that a tyrant monarch is no king at all and can be overthrown, was one of the political theorists of the Middle Ages. This thought was first presented in his Summa Theologica. Others, such as Nicole Oresme in his Livre de Politiques, vehemently rejected this right to topple an unjust government. The Magna Carta, which is sometimes cited as the foundation of Anglo - American political liberty, expressly advocates the right to overthrow the government in the interest of justice.

Many other European nations, including Spain and Hungary, have Magna Carta like charters. After roughly a century of theological political thinking in Europe, secular political philosophy started to emerge. While secular politics were practised during the Middle Ages when the Holy Roman Empire was in power, the academic world was entirely scholastic and consequently Christian in orientation.

 

Niccol Machiavelli's The Prince, written between 1511 and 1512 and published in 1532, after Machiavelli's death, was one of the most important books throughout this developing era. Both of those works, which rigorously examined ancient antiquity in The Discourses, had a significant impact on Western political philosophy in the contemporary era.

 

A small group of people, notably Jean-Jacques Rousseau, believed that The Prince was a parody written for the Medici to read after they had retaken Florence and driven Machiavelli out of the city. Machiavelli backed the Republic of Florence rather than the Medici family's oligarchy, despite the fact that the work was intended for the di Medici family in an effort to persuade them to release him from exile.

In any case, Machiavelli offers a realistic and somewhat consequentialist vision of politics in which good and evil are merely tools for achieving a specific goal, namely the securing and upholding of absolute power. During the English Renaissance at the beginning of the 17th century, Thomas Hobbes, who is well-known for his notion of the social contract, goes on to develop this viewpoint.

Both Machiavelli and Hobbes believed in the human tendency towards selfishness, despite the fact that none of them supported the concept of the divine right of rulers. This conviction was what compelled them to choose a strong central authority as the only safeguard against the collapse of the social order. New conceptions about what the human being was and is, the meaning of reality, and how it was seen, as well as the discovery of other societies in the Americas and the shifting demands of political society, all evolved throughout the Enlightenment period.

 

It was especially in the wake of the English Civil War, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the Haitian Revolution. Thinkers including Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Benjamin Constant, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau developed new queries and discoveries in response to these new theories. Two fundamental issues motivated these theorists: first, under what authority or need do people establish governments; and second, what structure would be ideal for a state. 

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The conceptual contrast between the concepts of "state" and "government" was at the heart of these important inquiries. It was determined that the term "state" would refer to a group of lasting organisations that would distribute power and provide justification for its use. The term "government" would be used to describe a particular set of people who worked in state institutions and enacted the rules and regulations that other citizens, including themselves, had to follow.

 

Although some political scientists, philosophers, historians, and cultural anthropologists have argued that most political action in any given society occurs outside of its state and that there are societies that are not organised into states that must nevertheless be considered in terms of politics, this conceptual distinction still exists in political science. 

 

The social sciences could not advance independently of theistic thought until the idea of natural order was introduced. Since the English cultural revolution of the 17th century, which spread to France and the rest of Europe, people have believed that society is governed by natural laws similar to those that govern the physical world.

These theories had a significant impact on political and economic relations because they replaced the guild concept with the theory of free trade. Additionally, Protestant churches affiliated with each nation-state challenged the dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in theology and preached in the local language, which the Roman Catholic Church frequently denounced angrily. 

According to these theological views, free trade is a trading policy that does not impose import or export quotas. It can also be seen as the free market concept implemented in global trade. Political parties with liberal economic stances tend to support free trade while economically left-wing and nationalist political parties typically promote protectionism, which is the antithesis of free trade.

 

The enlightenment, on the other hand, was a direct assault on religion, especially Christianity. The most vocal opponent of the church in France was the enlightenment icon François Marie Arouet de Voltaire. Voltaire's account of the development of Christianity has been labelled "propagandistic" by historians. The phrase Credo quia absurdum was incorrectly attributed to the Church Fathers, in part because of Voltaire.

La nôtre religion est sans contredit la plus ridicule, la plus absurde, et la plus sanguinaire qui ait jamais infecté le monde. "Ours i.e., the Christian religion is unquestionably the most ridiculous, the most absurd, and the most bloody religion that has ever infected this world," he wrote in a letter dated 5 January 1767 to Frederick II, King of Prussia. I don't say among the rabble, who are not worthy of being enlightened and who are apt for every yoke. 

My one sorrow in passing away is that I cannot help you in this great endeavour, the best and most deserving that the human intellect can identify. I say among honest people, among men who think, among those who aspire to think. Religion in France would never be the same again after Voltaire. 

The advanced civilizations of the New World, including those of the Aztec, Maya, Inca, Mohican, Delaware, Huron, and especially the Iroquois, did not spread this idea either. Particularly, Iroquois philosophy greatly influenced early Christian thought and, in many cases, served as the inspiration for organisations that were later implemented in the United States.

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For instance, early American literature frequently stressed the political philosophy of the native Americans, and Benjamin Franklin was a great admirer of some of the Iroquois Confederacy's ways. The Haudenosaunee, often known as the Iroquois, are a historically dominant northeastern Native American confederacy in North America. The Five Nations, which included the Mohawk, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, and Seneca, were known to the French as the Iroquois League during the colonial era and later as the Iroquois Confederacy.

After 1722, they incorporated the Iroquoian-speaking Tuscarora people from the Southeast into their confederacy and took the name Six Nations. With his work Two Treatises of Government, John Locke in particular typified this new era of political theory. In it, Locke puts forward a theory of the state of nature that squarely supports his idea of how political formation happens and how it might be established through contractual responsibility.

Sir Robert Filmer's patriarchally based political philosophy was challenged by John Locke in favour of a natural system based on nature in a specific system. As John Locke regarded the idea of the divine right of kings with derision, it was written off as a passing fad. Locke would accept Aristotle's assertion that man aspires to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal, contrary to Machiavelli and Hobbes but similar to Aquinas.

Locke thinks that the human mind is born into this world with a blank slate, in contrast to Aquinas's dominant stance on the salvation of the soul from original sin. According to Locke, knowledge is neither natural, revealed, or founded on authority but is instead open to doubt and restrained by reason, tolerance, and moderation. Hobbes' idea of an absolute ruler is not necessary, in Locke's view, because natural law is based on reason and the pursuit of peace and human existence.

On Liberty is where John Stuart Mill starts his work on political philosophy. The most important declaration of his liberal beliefs is On Liberty. He begins by identifying both recent and historical challenges to liberty. The traditional threat to liberty is present in cultures where one is a monarchy or a small number of people rule or an aristocracy. The conventional concern is that when rulers are politically unaccountable to the governed, they would rule in their own interests, rather than the interests of the governed, even though one can worry about constraints on liberty by beneficent kings or aristocracy.

In Chapter V of Utilitarianism, Mill introduces his explicit theory of rights in the context of his sanction theory of duty, an indirect form of utilitarianism that defines wrongdoing as behaviour that should be sanctioned. Then Mill adds justice as a legitimate component of the responsibility. Justice entails flawless obligations, or obligations that are tied to rights. Justice connotes anything that a specific person can demand from us as a matter of right, in addition to something that is proper to do and wrong to not do.

Hence, these ideal obligations will produce liberty and general freedom inside a state. He discusses gender equality in society using the book On Liberty. In The Subjection of Women, which discussed the political, legal, and social subordination of women, Mill believed that utilitarianism was the ideal theory to use to defend gender equality. When a woman marries, she enters a legally binding coverture with her husband; after she marries, "marital unity" suspends her legal existence as an individual.

 

Although it is simple to assume that a woman would not get married in this situation, staying single had social repercussions. A woman could only rise in social standing and riches if her husband was wealthy enough to provide the foundation. ​To determine how gender equality would be the best approach to attain "the greatest benefit for the greatest number," Mill applies his utilitarian ethics: The rule that governs the current social connections between the sexes is currently one of the major barriers to human advancement. The "primary barrier" Mill faces has to do with women's intellectual capacity.

 

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The Subjection of Women examines this issue in relation to women in society and makes the case that limiting women's intellectual potential wastes the information and expertise of the other half of the population, which could be used to develop ideas that would maximise societal enjoyment.  Constant, one of the first intellectuals to adopt the label "liberal," looked to modern-day Britain rather than classical Rome for a useful example of freedom in a vast, commercial society.

 

The "Liberty of the Ancients" and the "Liberty of the Moderns" were separated by him. The Liberty of the Ancients was a participatory republican liberty, allowing people to have a direct say in politics through discussions and voting in public assemblies. Citizenship was a taxing moral obligation that demanded a significant time and energy commitment in order to support this level of participation. Typically, this required a sub-society of slaves to perform the majority of the productive work, freeing the populace to discuss public issues.

Ancient Liberty was likewise restricted to very small, uniform communities where it was practical to convene the populace in one location for the transaction of public business. Contrarily, the foundation of modern liberty was the exercise of one's civil liberties, adherence to the law, and absence of overbearing official intervention.

Direct participation would be restricted, which is both a necessary result of the size of modern nations and an unavoidable outcome of the development of a commercial society in which there are no slaves but practically everyone is required to work for a living. Instead, the electorate would choose representatives who would speak for the people in Parliament and save the populace from the obligation of ongoing political participation.

Constant also thought that in the contemporary world, business was superior to conflict. On the grounds that it was illiberal and no longer appropriate for contemporary commercial social order, he condemned Napoleon's military appetite. A state founded on the principles of Modern Liberty would live in peace with all peaceful nations, in contrast to Ancient Liberty's propensity for war.

 

Hobbes' political theory's principal practical conclusion is that a state or society cannot be secure unless it is under the control of an absolute ruler. This leads to the belief that no one may assert their property rights against the sovereign, and as a result, the sovereign may confiscate the possessions of its subjects without their permission.

Hobbes outlined his philosophy regarding the establishment of states and legitimate governments as well as the development of an impartial science of morality in Leviathan. The book spends a lot of time showing how having a strong central government is essential to preventing civil unrest and other bad outcomes.

Hobbes hypothesises what life would be like without government, a situation he refers to as the state of nature, starting with a mechanical knowledge of people and their impulses. Each individual would have access to everything in the world under such system. Hobbes contends that this would result in a "war of all against all."

The Social Contract lays out the foundation for a legal political system inside a classical republican framework. It was one of the most significant works of political philosophy in the Western tradition after its publication in 1762. It expanded on several of the concepts raised in Diderot's Encyclopédie article Discours sur l'oeconomie politique, which was published earlier.

 

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The treatise opens with these powerful lines: "While he is free at birth, man is always in bonds. People who believe they are above others are actually larger slaves than they are." According to Rousseau, humans departed from the benefits and need of cooperation and returned to the state of nature, which he argued was a primaeval situation devoid of morality or law. 

The division of labour and the emergence of private property forced the human race to build legal structures as society advanced. Man is prone to being in constant struggle with other men at the degenerate stage of society while also growing more and more dependent on them. His independence and existence are both at danger as a result of this double strain.

Together with liberalism and fascism, the Marxist criticism of capitalism, established with Friedrich Engels, was one of the key ideologies of the 20th century. Political philosophy underwent a parallel transformation to the industrial revolution. The impact of capitalism and urbanisation on society was profound. Around the same time frame, the socialist movement got its start.

 

Marxism was created in the middle of the 19th century, and socialism in general began to garner more and more support from the public, primarily from the urban working class. Marx created tenets that would be followed by 20th - century revolutionaries like Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, and Fidel Castro without completely departing from the past.

Karl Marx asserted that he was "turning Hegel's dialectic, which was standing on its head, the right side up again" despite the similarities between Hegel's philosophy of history and Immanuel Kant's philosophy of history, as well as the fact that Marx's theory of revolution for the common good is partially based on Kant's view of history. Hegel supported the Phenomenology of Spirit, in contrast to Marx who supported historical materialism.

 

Trade unions and socialism had become well established political forces by the late 19th century. Moreover, syndicalism and its numerous branches, which included theorists like Mikhail Bakunin, Pierre - Joseph Proudhon, and Peter Kropotkin, both achieved some notoriety. By the turn of the 20th century, anti - imperialism and pluralism started to acquire popularity in the Anglo - American globe.

A turning point in human history, World War I altered how people saw politics and governments. The Russian Revolution of 1917, as well as other but less successful uprisings in many other European nations, established communism and, more specifically, Leninism and Luxemburgism on a global scale. While universal suffrage was being implemented, social democratic parties began to win elections and establish governments for the first time.

Political philosophy was deemed useful in two ways by Harry Eckstein in a 1956 article for the American Political Science Review. Political philosophy's usefulness may lie in its capacity to act as a thought saving device by giving political scientists access to a wealth of concepts, models, insights, theories, and methods, or it may lie in the inherent capacity of the best political thought in history to hone the wits of contemporary political thinkers, much as any challenging intellectual exercise sharpens the mind and deepens the imagination.

Political philosophy suffered a decline in the Anglo - American academic community from the end of World War II until 1971, when John Rawls published A Theory of Justice. Analytic philosophers expressed doubt about the possibility that normative judgements had cognitive content, and political science shifted towards statistical techniques and behavioralism.

 

On the other hand, in continental Europe, political philosophy saw a great boom in the decades following World War II, with Marxist predominating. The successes of Mao Zedong in China and Fidel Castro in Cuba, as well as the events of May 1968, led to an increase in interest in revolutionary philosophy, particularly among the New Left. This was the era of Jean-Paul Sartre and Louis Althusser.

 

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Several continental European intellectuals who immigrated to Britain and the United States, such as Karl Popper, Friedrich Hayek, Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin, Eric Voegelin, and Judith Shklar, promoted the continuation of political philosophy research in the Anglo-American community, but they and their students disagreed with the analytic establishment in the 1950s and 1960s.

Communism was still a major concern, particularly in the 1950s and 1960s. Racism and colonialism were significant themes that surfaced. In comparison to a philosophical approach, there was a clear movement towards pragmatism in dealing with political concerns. Several academic discussions focused on either one or both of the following practical challenges: whether or not to apply economic theories such as rational choice theory to political difficulties, or how to apply utilitarianism to questions of political policy.

 

Feminist, postcolonial, and multicultural thought have gained importance as a result of the growth of feminism, LGBT social movements, the end of colonial power, and the political marginalisation of minorities like Black Americans and sexual minorities in the developed world. Because of this, philosophers Charles W. Mills and Carole Pateman argued in their books The Racial Contract and The Sexual Contract, respectively, that the social compact excluded people of colour and women.

The release of John Rawls' A Theory of Justice in 1971 is seen as a turning point in Anglo -A merican academic political philosophy. In his initial stance, Rawls devised a thought experiment in which representative parties decide on the foundational rules of justice for society while concealing their knowledge. A critique of utilitarian approaches to issues of political justice was also made by Rawls. In his 1974 National Book Award-winning work Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Robert Nozick reacted to John Rawls from a libertarian angle, establishing libertarian ideas as legitimate academic positions.

In parallel with the development of analytical ethics in Anglo - American thinking, between the 1950s and 1980s, a number of new philosophical movements aimed at challenging the status quo emerged in Europe. The majority of these combined components of Marxist economic analysis with a stronger emphasis on culture or ideology. Thinkers like Herbert Marcuse, Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer, and Jürgen Habermas emerged from the Frankfurt School and fused Marxist and Freudian viewpoints.

 

Other continental theorists who were still heavily affected by Marxism along slightly different lines gave new emphasis to structuralism and a "return to Hegel." Thinkers like Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault, Claude Lefort, and Jean Baudrillard fall under the post - structuralist umbrella though they rarely use that title.

Hegel had a greater influence on the Situationists; Guy Debord in particular extended a Marxist theory of commodity fetishism to the world of consumption and examined the link between consumerism and the emergence of dominant ideologies. The different criticisms of liberal political theory expressed by Michael Walzer, Michael Sandel, and Charles Taylor sparked a new discussion.

 

Instead of being a profound and enlightening conflict of viewpoints, the liberal - communitarian argument is frequently seen as helpful for developing a fresh set of philosophical issues. Some communitarians and others including Alasdair MacIntyre and Daniel A. Bell, contend that, in contrast to liberalism, communities should be the focus of political attention since they are more important than individuals. More local governance and economic and social policies that promote the development of social capital are frequently supported by communitarians.

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The deliberative democracy hypothesis is a hot topic in contemporary political philosophy. Jurgen Habermas' seminal work was completed in Germany, but the English - language literature has been the most extensive, including leading thinkers like Jane Mansbridge, Joshua Cohen, Amy Gutmann, and Dennis Thompson. Around the close of the 20th century, republicanism or neo - or civic - republicanism and the capacity approach emerged as two overlapping political philosophies. 

 

In contrast to Isaiah Berlin's positive and negative definitions of liberty, the revived republican movement wants to offer "liberty as non - domination",  as an alternative. Contrary to the American liberal movement's definition of liberty as "non - interference," "non - domination" refers to people not being subject to the capricious demands of anybody else.

A republican finds being a slave, regardless of how they are treated, to be abhorrent. Popular republicans include political philosopher Philip Pettit, Cass Sunstein, and historian Quentin Skinner. The capability approach, created by legal scholar Martha Nussbaum and economists Mahbub ul Haq and Amartya Sen, defines freedom along similar lines: the capacity to act in the real world.

 

The capacity approach and republicanism both view choice as a scarce resource. In other words, having the actual option to do something is more important than simply being able to do it legally. Another significant area of modern political theory in North America develops critiques and alternatives to the republicanism discourse and the sufficiency of the liberal - communitarian debate by drawing on writers like Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida and others.

 

Since the 1990s, these political theorists have broadened the scope of political theory and presented a variety of arguments on subjects like pluralism, agonism, gender performativity, secularism, and more recently the Anthropocene and the non - human turn. They do this by broadly engaging the "genealogical approach," "deconstruction," and "weak ontology." The writings of Chantal Mouffe, Jane Bennett, Bonnie Honig, Wendy Brown, William E. Connolly, and Judith Butler have all been extremely relevant in this area.

Comparative Politics - A Review : 

Comparative politics is a subfield of political science that examines politics both inside and between nations using the comparative method or other empirical methodologies. In terms of substance, this can involve discussions about political behaviour, political institutions, conflict, and the causes and effects of economic development. Comparative politics may go by different names when used in relation to particular subjects of study, such as comparative governance, the study of various types of government. 

 

Comparative politics is the methodical examination and evaluation of the various political structures found around the world. Comparative analysis seeks to clarify the reasons behind the similarities and differences between various political systems as well as how these differences have developed over time. It is systematic in that it searches these political systems for trends, patterns, and regularities. The field of study examines political structures all around the world, concentrating on issues like democratisation, globalisation, and integration.

 

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In the past 40 years, comparative politics has helped political science adopt new theories and methods. Some of them concentrate on state-society relations, new institutionalism, comparative political economy, developmentalism, corporatism, indigenous theories of change, political culture, and dependency theory. Studying the contrasts between presidential and parliamentary systems, democracies and dictatorships, parliamentary systems in various nations, multi - party systems like Canada, and two - party systems like the United States are a few examples of comparative politics.

 

Comparative politics must be studied in a particular historical period, typically the present. It must be static so that researchers may compare systems from various eras. Comparative political science today mostly employs subnational comparisons, but previously the field examined major themes in political science through cross - national comparisons. The interest in subnational comparisons and the advantages it brings for comparative politics has grown significantly in recent years.

 

Without subnational research, we would know substantially less about important, credible questions in political science. The study of politics benefits greatly from the methodological, theoretical, and substantive contributions made by subnational research. Subnational research makes it simpler to understand significant advances that are frequently masked by a national focus. Regions inside nations where the impact or importance of state institutions has been diminished could serve as an illustration. 

 

Comparative politics gets its name from the discipline's long - standing connection to the comparative method, which is detailed below. According to Arend Lijphart, comparative politics has a methodological focus rather than a substantive one. It concentrates on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."

 

Peter Mair and Richard Rose put forth a slightly different definition, contending that comparative politics is defined by a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts, as well as a substantive focus on the study of political systems in various countries. The phrase "comparative politics" is occasionally used to describe "the politics of foreign countries," particularly in the United States. This use of the phrase is debatable. 

 

Because it enables individuals to comprehend the nature and operation of political systems around the world, comparative politics is important. Globally, there are numerous political system varieties based on real social, racial, ethnic, and cultural history. In fact, even comparisons of political association change from one country to the next. For instance, while both India and the United States have majority - rule systems, the former has a liberal presidential system based on popular voting, while the latter has a parliamentary one. 

 

Even the political decision - making scale is more varied in the US when compared to the popular government of India. While India has a prime minister, the United States is led by a president. We are encouraged to understand these core contracts and how, notwithstanding majority rule, the two nations are fundamentally distinct by related legislative issues. For the fields of international relations and conflict resolution, this area of study is crucial.

 

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Near politics promotes the clarification of global legislative concerns and the current competitive situations globally in international relations. Comparative politics investigates the reasons behind international strategy and how global frameworks and approaches affect domestic political behaviour and workings, despite the fact that both are branches of political science. According to Harry H. Eckstein, the history of comparative politics dates back to Aristotle.

 

He notes that a number of influential thinkers have contributed to this history, including Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Gaetano Mosca, Max Weber, Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Michels, James Bryce, who wrote Modern Democracies in 1921, and Carl Joachim Friedrich, who wrote Constitutional Government and Democracy in 1937. 

 

According to Philippe C. Schmitter, the "family tree" of comparative politics includes two primary traditions: one that Aristotle created and refers to as "sociological constitutionalism" and another that he traces back to Plato and refers to as "legal constitutionalism." According to certain definitions, Greek philosophy, specifically Plato's Republic and Aristotle's The Politics, is the origin of comparative politics. Comparative politics is a contemporary sub - discipline that involves research in a variety of substantive fields, such as the study of the following.

 

Democratic state politics, authoritarian state politics, distributional politics and the provision of public goods, political unrest, including ethnic and religious politics, political identity,  democratisation and a change of government, elections, party systems, and electoral processes, development's political economy, combined effort, voting practises, the history of the state, political institutions in comparison, research methodologies for comparing political systems, democratic indices and quantitative politics. 

 

Although the aforementioned categories or foci are used to classify a large number of researchers, research regimes, and research institutions, geography or national specialisation is frequently cited as a differentiating factor. Since processes within states influence both international and domestic processes, the distinction between comparative politics and international relations is arbitrary. The merger of the fields has been advocated by several academics.

 

Similar "isms" to those found in the study of international relations do not exist in comparative politics. Comparative politics uses a variety of social scientific methods, including experiments, comparative historical analysis, case studies, survey methodology, and ethnography, despite the name of the subfield suggesting only one methodological approach or the comparative method. In comparative politics, researchers adopt a methodological strategy based on two considerations: ontological orientation and the kind of topic or phenomenon they are interested in. 

Comparative Historical Research : 

Through the use of theory development, direct comparisons to other historical events, or all three, comparative historical research is a method of social science that investigates historical events in order to develop explanations that are valid beyond a certain time and location. In general, it entails contrasting social processes in various eras and locations. It and historical sociology are related. Although history and sociology have always been related, their connections have taken varied forms over time.

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Any one of a number of theoretical perspectives may be used in this type of research. Not the theoretical framework it uses, but the types of problems it raises set it apart. There are three waves of historical comparative inquiry, according to certain critics. The initial wave of historical comparative research focused on how societies became modern, that is, based on free will and logical decision - making. Exact definitions of modern society varied greatly.

 

Major researchers in this field include W.E.B. Du Bois, Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Karl Marx. The second wave aimed to demonstrate how social systems were not static but instead evolved over time in response to what was seen as an ahistorical body of thinking. Reinhard Bendix, Barrington Moore, Jr., Stein Rokkan, Theda Skocpol, Charles Tilly, Michael Mann, and Mark Gould are notable authors from this wave. Despite their stylistic distinctions, some have included Pierre Bourdieu and the Annales school in this overall group. 

 

Although not always, the present trend in historical comparative research sociology has a post-structuralist theoretical focus. Authors like Philip Gorski, James Mahoney, Ann Laura Stoler, and Julia Adams are influential today. To gather historical data, academics mostly employ four techniques. These consist of running records, secondary sources, archive information, and memories. Usually, the main sources, archival data, are the ones on which scholars rely the most.

 

Official records and other objects that one might find in archives, museums, etc. are included in archival data. The works of other historians who have written history are considered secondary sources. Continuous series of statistics or other types of data, such as ship registrations, property deeds, census data, etc., are known as running records. Recollections also draw from sources including autobiographies, memoirs, and diaries. According to Schutt, systematic qualitative comparative historical investigations can be broken down into four steps. 

These are what they are. The steps are as follows. (1) develop the investigation's premise by identifying the events, ideas, etc. that might explain the phenomenon; (2) select the case(s) ( location — nation, region ); (3) use what Theda Skocpol has dubbed "interpretive historical sociology" and examine the similarities and differences and (4), based on the data gathered, propose a causal explanation for the phenomenon. 

 

The main problems with historical comparative research methodologies are caused by the incompleteness of the historical data, the size and complexity of the social systems, and the type of questions posed. Due to a variety of circumstances, historical data is a challenging kind of data to work with. This data collection can be quite biassed because it includes items like letters, diaries, and memoirs, all of which are influenced not only by the writer's point of view but also, logically, by the person's socioeconomic level.

 

The data may get distorted or corrupt in this way. Time can affect historical data, regardless of whether it may or may not be biassed (diaries vs. official documents). Warfare, environmental catastrophes, time itself, frail paper, fading ink to the point of illegibility, special interest organisations destroying vast amounts of data for their own purposes, etc. are all examples of things that can destroy data. Since data is inherently incomplete, social scientists may encounter several difficulties when doing their research. 

 

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The subject of historical comparative research is frequently large and all - encompassing, like the development of democracy in three distinct regions. It is difficult to follow the evolution of democracy in just one country or region, let alone three. Here, the intricacy of the social system under study is unfathomably high while the scale of the system is overwhelming. There are several various social systems inside each situation that may have an impact on how a society and its political system develop. To establish causation, the factors must be dissected and examined. 

 

The nature of the questions being asked is an attempt to suggest causal linkages between a group of variables, which takes us to yet another important issue in techniques for historical comparative research. The challenge of determining causation is difficult on its own, but it gets considerably more difficult when one considers the complexity and size of the social systems being utilised to investigate causality, the incompleteness of the historical data, and causality. 

 

Inductive iteration is a common technique in comparative historical research, as opposed to strictly deductive methodologies, where researchers first evaluate the data before reformulating internally consistent theories to explain the facts. According to non - spuriousness, a third variable is not the cause of the link between two variables. Identifying a causal mechanism, how the connection or association between variables is believed to have occurred, and the context in which this association happens are the final two criteria.

 

According to the deterministic causal method, every study must show a link between the independent and dependent variables, and every case ( country, region ) within that study must show that the independent variable has an impact on the dependent variable. John Stuart Mill developed five techniques for methodically examining data and drawing more precise conclusions about causality.

 

The direct method of agreement, the method of difference, the joint method of agreement and difference, the method of residues, and the technique of concurrent variations are all covered in Mill's Methods. Mill's methods can be used to rule out alternative explanations because they are often most helpful when the causal relationship is already suspected. Some methodologists argue that Mill's methods cannot demonstrate that a change in one variable was brought on by a change in another. 

 

Research into historical comparison involves a number of challenges. In his book "Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences," James Mahoney, one of today's leading experts in historical comparative study, names a number of them. Mahoney draws attention to important issues like how micro - level studies can be integrated into the larger field of historical comparative research, as well as topics like law that are ripe for this kind of study but are frequently ignored.

 

She also discusses whether historical comparative research should be approached as a science or as a history. Theda Skocpol, who favours a historical perspective, and Kiser and Hechter, who support a scientific perspective that emphasises the need to look for broad causal principles, frequently argue over this issue in today's society. For their broad causal principles, both Kiser and Hechter use models from Rational Choice Theory. 

 

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Skocpol, Summers, and other historical researchers who disagree with Kiser and Hechter contend that because they do not offer many other credible general theories, it appears that their support for general theories is really support for their favoured general theory. They also make additional arguments against applying rational choice theory to historical comparative studies. Researchers who study history and comparison have argued over the rightful place of general theory in recent decades.

 

Edgar Kiser and Michael Hechter have been two of the principal participants in this discussion. In order to be able to test the findings of the study that has been done, they have claimed that it is crucial to employ a general theory. They merely contend that a theory must be applied without making the case that one theory in particular is superior to another. The theory they've chosen is rational choice. One of the key issues is that everyone has a different idea of what constitutes a theory and what qualifies something as one. 

Some of their critics believe that any theory can be put to the test, while others claim that some theories cannot. Kiser and Hecter do admit that this is a topic that is expanding and that their viewpoint might alter in the future. The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe demonstrates the comparative-historical approach. Researcher Julia Adams examines how merchant families competed with noble families for influence in the early modern Dutch Republic using both primary sources and secondary sources.

 

By often bringing up England and France, she makes the case that those battles generated the political institutions that eventually gave rise to the modern Dutch state. She developed earlier views of how modern nations came to be by using feminist theory to explain components of the Dutch Republic, such as patriarchal kinship systems in the ruling families. This serves as an example of how comparative - historical analysis integrates cases and theories. 

 

A peer - reviewed academic publication is Comparative Political Studies. SAGE Publications, who still put out the publication now, founded it in 1968. Ben W. Ansell of the University of Oxford and David J. Samuels of the University of Minnesota are the editors. At both the cross - national and intra-national levels, the journal publishes methodological, theoretical, and research articles in the area of comparative politics. 

 

Political Sociology - An introduction :

An interdisciplinary field of research called political sociology looks into the interactions and influences between society and government at both the micro and macro levels of inquiry. Political sociology focuses on individual families to the state as sites of social and political conflict and power contestation because it is interested in the social causes and effects of how power is allocated and evolves throughout and among societies. 

During the social and political upheavals brought on by the development of communism, fascism, and World War II in the early 1930s, political sociology was envisioned as an interdisciplinary sub - field of sociology and politics. This new field uses writings by Karl Marx, James Bryce, Robert Michels, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, and Alexis de Tocqueville to comprehend power, a key concept in political sociology. For political sociologists, the notion of power differs depending on the methodologies and conceptual frameworks used in this interdisciplinary study.

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Power can be defined as having the capacity to influence or manage those who are close to you or certain procedures. As different researchers' perspectives on power vary, this facilitates the development of a wide range of study focuses and approaches. Additionally, as they transition from their initial line of inquiry, such as political or sociological studies, into this interdisciplinary subject, their academic disciplinary department or institution might also influence their research. 

Political sociology has an overarching focus on comprehending why power structures are the way they are in every given cultural setting, notwithstanding variations in how it is carried out. Political sociologists argue that society and politics must be examined together rather than being considered as presumptive variables in order to comprehend power in all of its varied expressions. Political scientist Michael Rush once said that "for any society to be understood, so must its politics; and if the politics of any society is to be understood, so must that society." 

As sociology and politics, two distinct sciences, looked into their shared interests starting in the 1930s, political sociology began to emerge. Sociology can be thought of as a comprehensive investigation of human society and how these societies interact. primarily concentrated on the interaction between human behaviour and society. Due to the volume of scholarly work conducted in it, political science, or politics as a discipline, is widely positioned within this definition of sociology.

However, it is occasionally seen as a well - developed sub - field of sociology. It's critical to keep in mind that the meaning of "politics" is complex and dependent on the author and circumstance. Politics has a wide range of disciplinary perspectives, including the study of governmental institutions, public policy, and power relations. The significance of examining sociology within politics and vice versa has been acknowledged by thinkers ranging from Mosca to Pareto because they understood that neither society nor politicians work in a vacuum.

Here, political sociology aims to investigate how society and politics interact. A political sociology has been highlighted in a number of publications, including those by Comte, Spencer, and other authors like Durkheim. The body of work by Karl Marx and Max Weber is regarded as crucial to its inception as a subfield of study, although feeding into this interdisciplinary subject. Political sociology has a broad focus since there is widespread interest in how oppression and power are exercised over and within social and political spheres of society.

Despite being numerous, the following are some central topics in political sociology. Recognising the dynamics of power exercise and contestation in society and the state, e.g., power structures, hierarchy, and social inequality. How society's values and habits influence politics, and vice versa, for example, public opinion, ideologies, and social movements. How these function in both official and informal spheres of society and politics, for instance, a ministerial cabinet versus a family household.

 

In other words, political sociology is interested in how social dynamics, trends, and power structures influence formal political procedures as well as social forces that cooperate to bring about change. From this vantage point, three main theoretical frameworks can be distinguished: pluralism, elite or management theory, and class analysis, which combines Marxist and other theoretical approaches. Politics is primarily viewed by pluralism as a struggle between opposing interest groups.

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A state - centered strategy is occasionally used to describe elite or management theory. By examining organisational structure limits, semi-autonomous state managers, and interests that result from the state's status as a unique, power - concentrating organisation, it clarifies what the state accomplishes. Theda Skocpol is a prominent representative. The political clout of capitalist elites is highlighted through social class theory study. It can be divided into two categories as follows. The structuralist approach and the "power structure" or "instrumentalist" approach.

 

The power structure method, whose most well-known exponent is G. William Domhoff, concentrates on the issue of who rules. The structuralist perspective, Nicos Poulantzas, Bob Jessop, emphasises how a capitalist economy functions, only permitting and encouraging the state to accomplish some things but not others. Political sociology is a collaborative socio - political examination of society and its power contestation, whereas sociology of politics is a sociological reductionist explanation of politics ( e.g., exploring political regions via a sociological lens ).

 

The terms sociology of politics and political sociology are frequently used interchangeably when discussing political sociology. In contrast to the multidisciplinary area of study that political sociology strives for, Sartori explains that the term "sociology of politics" particularly refers to a sociological analysis of politics. The factors of interest that both views place the most emphasis on account for this distinction. 

 

Political sociology incorporates the political causes of these behaviours through commentary with the non-political ones, whereas sociology of politics focuses on the non-political causes of oppression and power contestation in political life. Pre - capitalist states, states in the capitalist ( i.e., current ) era, and the state or lack thereof in post - capitalist society are the three sections that make up Marx's theories regarding the state.

 

This is on top of the fact that as he matured, his beliefs regarding the state evolved, changing from his early pre - communist phase through his young Marx period, which precedes the unsuccessful 1848 uprisings in Europe, to his mature, more nuanced work. Marx's fundamental belief that the state and civil society are distinct may be found in his 1843 essay, Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. He asserted, however, that the model had some drawbacks and that "the political state everywhere needs the guarantee of spheres lying outside it." 

 

He said, "As of yet, he was saying nothing about the abolishment of private property, does not have a developed theory of class, and "the answer, he gives, to the problem of the state or civil society division is a purely political solution, namely universal suffrage." Marx's perception of the state as a product of bourgeois economic interests by the time he authored The German Ideology ( 1846 ) had changed.

 

A committee for overseeing the common business of the entire bourgeoisie is what the contemporary state's executive is, according to The Communist Manifesto, which was published two years later. This is the pinnacle of the state theory's adherence to an economic reading of history, according to which the forces of production govern people's relationships to their means of production, which in turn shape all other relationships, including those that are political.

 

Marx also uses the word "conditions" even though "determines" is the stronger form of the proposition. Even "determination" is not causality, and it is acknowledged that there is some action reciprocity. Because the bourgeoisie dominates the economy, they also dominate the state. According to this view, the state is a tool for class inequality. The capitalist state that Antonio Gramsci believed to exist is central to his idea of hegemony. Gramsci does not view the state in terms of just the government in a narrow sense. 

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Instead, he divides it into two categories, viz., civil society, which is commonly thought of as the private or non - state sphere that acts as a bridge between the state and the economy, and political society, which is the domain of political institutions and legal constitutional control ( e.g., the police, the army, the legal system ). He emphasises that the distinction is only conceptual and that the two frequently cross paths in actuality. According to Gramsci, the political and civil societies, which represent the realms of power and consent, regulate the affairs of the capitalist state. 

 

According to Gramsci, in the context of contemporary capitalism, the bourgeoisie may continue to exert economic dominance by allowing the political sphere to address a number of demands made by mass political parties and unions inside civil society. So, by seeing beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to evolve, the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution.

 

Gramsci claims that ideologies like reformism and fascism, as well as Frederick Taylor's and Henry Ford's respective approaches to scientific management and the assembly line, are examples of this. Ralph Miliband, an English Marxist sociologist, was influenced by his friendship with American sociologist C. Wright Mills. In 1969, he released The State in Capitalist Society, a study in Marxist political sociology.

 

In it, he rejected the notion that pluralism spread political power and maintained that it was concentrated in the hands of a dominating class in Western democracies. In response to what he considered to be oversimplified notions within Marxism, Nicos Poulantzas developed his theory of the state. According to him, instrumentalist Marxist accounts like Miliband's claimed that the state was merely a tool in the hands of a specific class. 

 

Poulantzas disagreed with this because he believed that the capitalist class was too preoccupied with maximising individual short - term profits rather than preserving the power of the class as a whole to simply employ all of the state's authority for its own benefit. In spite of the state's relative independence from the capitalist class, Poulantzas maintained that it serves the interests of the latter by ensuring that capitalist society runs smoothly.

 

He paid special attention to how a system like capitalism, which is inherently polarising, could coexist with the social stability required for it to reproduce itself. He looked particularly to nationalism as a means of overcoming the class differences within capitalism. Poulantzas asserted that the state's role is not limited to suppressing the movements of the underprivileged, drawing on Gramsci's idea of cultural hegemony. State power must instead win the approval of the oppressed.

 

This is accomplished through class alliances, in which the dominant group forms a "alliance" with the subordinate group in order to win the latter's approval. Gramsci, Miliband, and Poulantzas had an impact on Bob Jessop, who proposed that the state is not an entity but rather a social connection with varied strategic implications. 

 

This indicates that the state is not something with a fundamental, fixed characteristic such as a disinterested coordinator of various social interests, an independent corporate actor with its own bureaucratic goals and interests, or the "executive committee of the bourgeoisie," as frequently described by pluralists, elitists / statists, and traditional Marxists, respectively. The nature of the larger social interactions in which the state is placed, particularly the balance of social forces, are what ultimately determine the state. 

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His work "Politics as a Vocation" ( Politik als Beruf ) is one of Weber's most important contributions to political sociology. In that passage, Weber defines the state as the organisation with the exclusive right to employ physical force in legal situations. According to Weber, politics is the division of the state's authority among numerous groups, and political leaders are those who exercise this authority.

 

Weber identified three ideal forms of political leadership, sometimes known as three forms of dominance, legitimation, or power as follows. Spiritual authority ( religions and family ), traditional authority ( feudalism, patriarchy ), and legal authority ( state law and bureaucracy ). Every historical relationship between rulers and ruled, in his opinion, comprised such components and could be examined in light of this three - part distinction. He observes that the brittleness of charismatic power leads it to "routinize" into a more organised kind of power.

 

A "traditional revolution" can occur under a pure form of traditional government if there is enough resistance to the king. It is inevitable that authority will eventually shift to a rational - legal system using a bureaucratic structure. As a result, this idea may occasionally be seen as a component of the theory of social evolution. This relates to his more general concept of rationalisation by implying the inevitable progression in this direction, where "Bureaucratic administration means fundamentally domination through knowledge." 

 

In Economy and Society ( 1922 ), Weber provided numerous idealised examples of public administration and governmental structures. One of his pieces of work that has endured the longest is his critique of the bureaucratization of society. Weber created the field of bureaucracy studies, and it was his writings that made the term well known. His contributions to modern public administration are numerous, and the term "Weberian civil service" refers to a traditional, hierarchically ordered civil service of the Continental kind. 

 

For Weber, bureaucratization was the most effective and logical method of organisation. He also considered bureaucratization as the main factor in the increasing rationalisation of Western civilization. Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, clearly defined lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, action taken and recorded based on written rules, bureaucratic officials needing specialised training, rules being applied impartially, and career advancement based on technical skills assessed by organisations rather than by individuals. 

 

The Italian school of elitism was founded by Vilfredo Pareto ( 1848 – 1923 ), Gaetano Mosca ( 1858 – 1941 ), and Robert Michels ( 1876 – 1936 ), and it had an impact on later Western elite theory. The Italian school of elitism bases its outlook on two concepts: Positions of authority in important political and economic institutions are what give one power. Elites differ psychologically from the general population in that they have personal resources, such as intelligence and skills, as well as a stake in the government.

 

While the general population is incompetent and unable to govern themselves, the elite are resourceful and work to make the government function. Because in truth, the elite would stand to lose the most from a failing state. As the best achievers in any profession, Pareto emphasised the elites' superior mental and intellectual faculties. He talked about the presence of two different kinds of elites: ruling elites and non - ruling elites. He also developed the concept of how one can transition from being elite to non - elite and how an entire elite can be replaced by a new one.

 

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Mosca placed emphasis on the sociological and behavioural traits of elites. He claimed that whereas the bulk of people are un - organised, the elites are an organised minority. The governing elite and the sub-elites make up the ruling class. He creates two categories for people in the world as follows. Political class and Non - Political class. Mosca claims that elites possess superiority on the intellectual, moral, and material levels and are highly respected and powerful. 

 

The iron rule of oligarchy, created by sociologist Michels, states that social organisation and labour division are crucial factors in explaining why social and political organisations are controlled by a small number of people. He thought that all organisations were elitist and that elites follow three fundamental rules that support the bureaucratic structure of political organisations. Need for leaders, specialised  personnel, and infrastructure, Using resources within their organisation and the significance of a leader's psychological traits. 

 

These issues are taken seriously by contemporary political sociology, which is more interested in the distribution of power and politics among societies than only the interactions between the state and society. This results in part from the escalating complexity of social relationships, the influence of social movement organising, and the relative weakened state brought on by globalisation. However, it is mostly because social theory has been radically rethought. 

 

This is now equally focused on macro and micro issues, such as how to harness and exploit state power and the ways in which identity is formed through social interaction, the politics of knowledge, and the impact of meaning contestation on institutions. Here, structuration theory ( Anthony Giddens ), pragmatism ( Luc Boltanski ), post - structuralism ( Michel Foucault, Judith Butler ), cultural studies ( Stuart Hall ), and cultural sociology ( Jeffrey C. Alexander ) are the major influences. 

 

Political sociology makes an effort to investigate the interactions between the democratic, liberal, constitutional state and the capitalist economy, the two institutional structures that the Western capitalism system brought into being. The capitalism system produces unequal economic power, which could lead to political inequality as well, whereas democracy offers objectivity and legal equality before all citizens. According to pluralists, a variety of social divisions and political agendas, rather than economic interests, determine how political power is distributed.

 

Through cooperative organisations, the various political interests and ideologies of the many factions come together to provide a flexible and equitable representation that in turn affects the political parties that make the decisions. The interaction of competing interest groups then results in the distribution of power. In this paradigm, the government is unhindered by any economic power and serves merely as a middleman. 

 

To be able to organise representations through social and industrial organisations like trade unions, a foundational framework must enable tools for citizenship, expression, and the chance to do so. In the end, decisions are made through a difficult negotiation and compromising process between numerous parties vying for their interests. Pluralists assert that a variety of reasons have put an end to an economic elite's hegemonic control over politics.

 

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The ability of capital to manipulate and take control of the state has been constrained by the strength of organised labour and the state's escalating level of intervention. Additionally, there is no longer a dominant class that controls the capital, rather, it is controlled by a diverse group of shareholders and an expanding managerial sector, none of whom can impose their will on the others. However, the limitations placed on the scope of the choices presented are overshadowed by the pluralist emphasis on fair representation.

 

In 1963, Bachrauch and Baratz investigated the deliberate exclusion of some policies from the political sphere. For instance, organised movements that advocate for what would appear to be a radical shift in a society are frequently demonised. The thesis of the "power elite" by sociologist C. Wright Mills was a major foe of pluralist thought in the United States.

 

According to Mills, the so-called "power elite" are those who hold dominant positions in a dominant country's dominant institutions ( military, economic, and political ), and their decisions or lack thereof have a significant impact on not only the American population but also "the underlying populations of the world." 

 

A strong federal political order that inherited power from "a decentralised set of several dozen states" and "now enters into each and every crevice of the social structure" is one of their institutions, according to Mills, which is made up of three groups that have replaced weaker predecessors: (1) "two or three hundred giant corporations," which have replaced the traditional agrarian and craft economy, (2) the military establishment, which was once the target of "distrus," and (3) the military. 

 

Importantly, and in contrast to contemporary American conspiracy theories, Mills clarifies that the elite themselves could not be aware of their status as elite, observing that "often they are uncertain about their roles" and that "without conscious effort, they absorb the aspiration to be The Onecide." Nevertheless, he regards them as a caste that is almost hereditary. According to Mills, the members of the power elite frequently rise to positions of societal importance through degrees earned at prestigious colleges. 

 

Who, after all, runs America? is how Mills summarised his book in just a few sentences. Insofar as any group does, the power elite, it is run by them. Research psychologist and sociologist G. William Domhoff's book Who Rules America? was first released in 1967 as a best-seller (#12), and there have been six further printings since then. In his book, Domhoff makes the case that a powerful elite influences American politics by funding think tanks, foundations, commissions, and academic programmes.

 

The elite, he adds, exert control over institutions by open authority rather than covert means. Domhoff claims in his introduction that the work of four men, sociologists E. Digby Baltzell, C. Wright Mills, economist Paul Sweezy, and political scientist Robert A. Dahl, was the inspiration for the book. In his 1949 essay Citizenship and Social Class, T. H. Marshall introduced the political idea of social citizenship.

 

According to Marshall's concept, the state's social obligations to its citizens range "from granting the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilised being according to the standards prevailing in the society." Marshall's notion that citizenship-based rights in England have evolved from "civil rights in the eighteenth [century], political rights in the nineteenth, and social rights in the twentieth" is one of the main points he makes. 

 

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However, this growth has drawn criticism for only being seen from the standpoint of the white working man by many. Three important conditions for the development of social rights and their continued development are given below in Marshall's conclusion to his article. Decreasing of the income gap, "The significant expansion of the sphere of shared culture and experience" through Increased rights and an expansion of citizenship for these people. 


Since then, several states' policies have included many of their social obligations in significant ways. However, there is a disagreement over whether a citizen actually has a right to social assistance, let alone education, therefore these topics have also become contentious ones. Political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset made a significant investigation of the foundations of democracies all over the world in his book Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics.

 

According to Larry Diamond and Gary Marks, "in the past 30 years, significant empirical analysis, both quantitative and qualitative, has been conducted on Lipset's claim of a causal relationship between economic progress and democracy. Additionally, the research demonstrates a strong causal link between democratic government and economic growth with startling clarity and consistency. The book was translated into 20 languages, including Vietnamese, Bengali, and Serbo - Croatian, and sold more than 400,000 copies. 

 

One of the original proponents of the Modernization thesis, which holds that economic progress directly leads to the emergence of democracies, asserted that "the more prosperous a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy." In academic discussions and research on democratic transitions, Lipset's modernization theory has remained a crucial component. Both "Lipset hypothesis" and "Lipset thesis" have been used to describe it.

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Connections between Historical Sociology and Political Science ? 

In order to comprehend the past, how societies have changed over time, and how this has affected the present, historical sociology is an inter - disciplinary branch of study that integrates sociological and historical approaches. Through complimentary comparative study, it emphasises a shared line of inquiry into the past and present to comprehend how specific historical occurrences fit into broader societal advancement and ongoing problems. Historical sociology aims to comprehend the outward mechanisms and internal structures.

 

Latter are the ones that impede some aspects of human growth while facilitating others by examining how social institutions are altered and reproduced. The ahistoricism of contemporary sociology as a discipline is questioned throughout. It also questions how little the study of social structures has done to engage with the past. All of this is done while simultaneously criticising how historical study ignores social distinctions and larger social trends between historical events. 

 

A "sociology of history" and a "history of society" are located at either extreme of the spectrum where this inter - disciplinary topic falls between history and sociology. As opposed to those who analyse society through its historical events, there are a wide variety of people who investigate history through a sociological perspective. Despite being legitimate study avenues, they are reductionist in character and rely on specialised disciplinary techniques.

 

To combine these mono - discipline efforts into an inter - disciplinary approach, historical sociology might be located in the centre of this range. As time has gone on, history and sociology have grown into two distinct academic specialties. These three applications of historical data predominate nowadays. A theory is being examined through a parallel research is the first one. It ought to be consistent with the notions of laws found in natural science, as well as to examine or use numerous historical sources to support the idea that is being applied.

Or, on the other hand, sociologists could use the parallel investigation theory to examine specific examples of research using a distinct mode of operation. The second theory that sociologists primarily employ is the comparison and application of particular events or policies. Certain occurrences that sociologists have used as comparison data can be contrasted and compared based on their specifics or what makes them stand out in a composition. The 'Verstehen' tradition is frequently employed by interpretive sociologists.

 

Finally, looking at the causalities from a macro perspective is the third approach sociologists often relate. Mill uses this approach. A case with an effect and a cause is compared to a case with an effect but no cause, according to the principle of difference. A case with an effect but no cause is compared to a case with an effect but no cause, according to the principle of agreement. Historical research frequently relies on a small number of cases and many sociological theories are probabilistic, rather than deterministic. 

 

There is a significant controversy about the applicability of Mill's technique to sociological study. A combination of questions with a lot of specifics is used today to gauge historical sociology. Understanding how to account for the paradox of human agency is a common issue in both sociology and history. "Finding an adequate explanation for human experience is the problem of agency. The latter is concerned with concurrently and equally acknowledging that continuous and largely intentional individual behaviour shapes both history and society.

 

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Though intentional, history and society create the latter. From Marx through Spencer, this issue is discussed in works where action and structure are interdependently defined by one another. Here, historical sociology argues that following our human agency's evolution over time is essential to comprehending it. Enhancing our ability to recognise the alterations and continuations of the institutions and acts that shape human agency across our society. Political science components and comparative historical sociology interact and connect well.


The main focus of modern historical sociology is the analysis of the relationships between governments, classes, economic systems, and political systems as they have evolved since the Middle Ages. Historical sociology and political science have a significant cross - dimensional impact on other fields of study. The nature and reach of international interactions are significantly shaped by this impact. An method in international relations that is increasingly adopted is historical sociology.

 

It aims to explore the past and present simultaneously by utilising historical sociology's reflective utility. Additionally, in critiquing neoliberal and realism ideas that lack context in the sector. These ideologies frequently consider the world's larger structural nature to be static. The connections between historical sociology and political science are shaped and defined in part by political economics. Political economists seek to understand how political and economic systems have evolved in order to better understand policy.

 

Political economy is criticised by historical sociology for the following grounds, among others. Regarding the present as a natural structure comes first. The second is to emphasise history as a result of a particular course. The third is in how they focus their thoughts on well - known individuals with little consideration of broader processes and "regular" people. 

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