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The independence of inquiry by faculty and students, according to advocates of academic freedom, is crucial to the academy's goal. They contend that the reason academic groups are frequently the focus of repression is because of their influence on and control over the information flow. Scholars may become the focus of public vilification, job loss, incarceration, or even death when they try to educate or transmit concepts or information that is disagreeable to authorities or outside political organisations.

 

For instance, a public health expert in North Africa found that the newborn mortality rate in his nation was higher than what the official statistics had suggested. He was arrested and fired from his work. Another argument for why society is interested in safeguarding academic independence is the destiny of biology in the Soviet Union. Trofim Lysenko, a Soviet biologist, rejected Western science, which at the time was primarily concerned with theoretical genetics advancements based on research with the fruit fly ( Drosophila melanogaster ).

 

He proposed a more socially relevant farming method based on the collectivist principles of dialectical materialism. This was referred to as a new terminology called "Michurinism" by Lysenko, although it is more commonly referred to as Lysenkoism in modern times. Due in part to the concepts' potential for propaganda, Lysenko's theories won over the Soviet leadership, and he eventually was appointed director of the Soviet Academy of Agricultural Sciences. 

 

Lysenko subsequently oversaw a purge of scientists who held onto "harmful ideas," which led to the expulsion, incarceration, or murder of hundreds of Soviet scientists. On collectivised farms in China and the Soviet Union, Lysenko's concepts were later put into practise. According to estimates, 30 million people died through famines that were partly caused by Lysenko's influence in China alone. Academics For Academic Freedom ( AFAF ) is a campaign run by academic staff in the UK for lecturers, researchers, and others who want to publicly support open inquiry and free expression. 

 

Following are their two primary tenets in their statement on academic freedom. First, whether or not these are regarded offensive, academics have unrestricted freedom to challenge conventional thinking, present divisive ideas, and do so both within and outside of the classroom. Second, academic institutions have no right to restrict staff members' exercise of this freedom or to use it as an excuse for disciplinary action or termination. According to AFAF and others who support its values, it's critical for academics to have the required freedom.

 

It is to not only voice their thoughts but also to subject them to criticism and spark new discussions. They reject the notion of spreading Platonic "noble lies" to the public and think that radical ideas do not require protection from the general population. According to sociologist Ruth Pearce, academic freedom serves to guard against intolerance rather than shield scholarship from criticism by secular or religious authorities. Academic freedom and the quality and number of patents filed in a given nation are related.

 

It is according to a large - scale empirical study that spans more than 157 countries between 1900 and 2015. Academic freedom has decreased during the past ten years for the first time under David Audretsch, Paul P. Momtaz, and colleagues' century - long observation period, leading to at least 4.0% fewer patent applications. The study is the first to establish a connection between academic freedom and economic growth via an innovation pathway. Most legal regimes have established the idea of academic freedom as a privilege of faculty members.

 

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The First Amendment's provision of free speech in the United States forms the basis for the constitutional protection of academic freedom, but other nations' constitutions, particularly those with civil law systems, typically provide for a separate right to freedom of thought, expression, and study. Informally, Canadian academics were supposed to be politically neutral during the interwar period ( about 1919 – 1939 ), lest they cause difficulty at the universities they worked for, which were heavily reliant on provincial government subsidies at the time. 

 

Furthermore, a lot of academics in Canada at the time felt they had no business engaging in politics because of their position and distance from the realm of policy. However, some left - wing academics started getting involved in current political issues outside of the institution as a result of the emergence of social gospel doctrine and the surge in socialist activities in Canada during the Great Depression.

 

As a result, people like Frank H. Underhill at the University of Toronto and other employees of the university who were affiliated with the League for Social Reconstruction or the socialist movement in Canada found themselves in insecure positions. For instance, Frank H. Underhill received criticism from both inside and outside of academia and came dangerously close to losing his job at a university because of his political statements in public and his participation in the League for Social Reconstruction and the Co - Operative Commonwealth Federation.

 

According to Michiel Horn, this period saw a loosening of the implicit rules that many Canadian professors had previously had to abide by. Before the Great Depression, the professoriate was restricted by the nature of the institutions, human prudence, and professional preoccupation. None of these circumstances altered quickly, but even in provincial colleges, there were bold individuals who fought for the ability to openly discuss divisive topics and voice opinions about them in the 1930s, with varied degrees of success. 

 

A debate regarding academic freedom was raised in 2020 when the University of Ottawa penalised one of its professors for using the n - word in a metalinguistic context. China severely restricts freedom of the mind in academia. Academics have seen a motivation not to voice 'incorrect' thoughts about subjects that are important to the Chinese government and the dominant Chinese Communist Party ( CCP ). Academics have started to self - censor as a result of these initiatives, which have successfully changed the academic discourse. 

 

According to an Associated Press article from December 2020, CCP general secretary Xi Jinping personally directed China to suppress scientific research into the COVID - 19 virus's genesis. The State Council of China reportedly issued an order mandating that all research be vetted by a task force under their control, claiming that scientific publication should be organised like "a game of chess" and threatening to hold anyone who publish without permission accountable. 

 

As with all governmental officials, professors at public universities in France and researchers at government - funded institutions are obliged to conduct themselves impartially and to avoid endorsing any specific political or religious viewpoint while performing their duties. However, the rules of the Republic recognise academic independence as a key value for university academics. It is as the Constitutional Council has stated.

 

Additionally, statute law states that teachers and researchers in higher education, including university professors and assistant professors, are completely independent. Additionally, they have complete freedom of speech while doing research and teaching activities. They must adhere to university customs, this code's dispositions, and the ideals of objectivity and tolerance. Peer reviews rather than standard administrative processes are mostly used for the nomination and advancement of professors. 

 

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Academic freedom is particularly guaranteed under the German Constitution, or Grundgesetz. Science and art, as well as teaching and research, are all free. Teaching freely does not excuse one from adhering to the constitution ( Article 5, paragraph 3 ). This right has been interpreted by the law as the freedom to teach ( Lehrfreiheit ), learn ( Lernfreiheit ), and conduct scientific research ( Freiheit der Wissenschaft ) according to a tradition that dates back to the 19th century. A cover phrase for the first two has occasionally been used for the last idea, though.

 

Lehrfreiheit refers to the freedom that academics have to choose the topics of their lectures and the manner in which they disseminate the findings of their research. Academic freedom is regarded as encompassing at least the entirety of this subject because professors are granted the right to teach ( Latin : venia docendi ) in a certain academic topic through their Habilitation. Lernfreiheit refers to a student's freedom to choose their own path of study. In addition, Freiheit der Wissenschaft gives the institution authority over its internal issues and permits academic self - governance. 

 

Section 14 of the 1997 Universities Act provides protections for academic freedom. It offers academics security for their work in research, teaching, and other areas. The following actions are included in the latter.  "To question and test received wisdom, to put forward new ideas, and to state controversial or unpopular opinions" without suffering disadvantage. 

 

The Chapter II of the Constitution of Mauritius states that the academic staff in Mauritius is entitled to the following rights: protection of freedom of conscience, protection of freedom of expression, protection of freedom of assembly and association, protection of freedom to establish schools, and protection from discrimination. The following is stated by the author of a 2012 paper about the University of Mauritius. The freedom of expression is subject to subtle threats. 

 

Particularly when it comes to criticism of the reigning political parties and their leaders as well as religious organisations, even if there are no records of violations of human rights or state freedom. Academic freedom is encouraged in the higher institutions of Mauritius by the national government. In May 2009, the public's concern over academic independence arose. This occurred when Professor I. Fagoonee, the former vice chancellor, was denounced by the University of Mauritius. The Ministry of Education had despatched a circular to academics, which he had forwarded.

 

Public employees were the target of this circular, which instructed them to talk to their supervisors before speaking to the media. According to the newspaper, academics were irritated by the vice chancellor's endorsement of the circular by sending it to them even though it was intended for public servants. In an interview, the vice chancellor said that although professors were free to speak with the media, they shouldn't jeopardise government or university policies. 

 

After a professor addressed the prime minister, the topic was eventually brought before parliament. After that, the vice chancellor was forced to resign. In exchange, the government openly supported academic independence. Academics' ability to critique public policy has been constrained by institutional bureaucracy and reliance on government funding. Dr. Kasenally, a professor at the University of Mauritius, is interviewed about her opinions on academic freedom in higher education.

 

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According to the professor, the university was at the forefront of arguments from the 1970s through the 1980s. However, the university steered clear of contentious discussions throughout the 1990s. To limit academic freedom, the right of professors to participate in politics was eliminated in 1986. As a result, academics at the University of Mauritius are expected to keep their opinions to themselves, especially if they differ from those of the administration or the government.

 

Although there haven't been any instances of academics being detained indefinitely or arrested, there is concern that this would impede their ability to advance professionally, particularly in terms of promotions. Thus, scholars make an effort to refrain from taking part in contentious discussions. There are restrictions on academic freedom in the Netherlands. Higher Education: Autonomy and Quality was a strategy paper that the Dutch Ministry of Education released in November 1985.

 

This paper made a suggestion that deviated from conventional schooling and stated that the future of the higher education industry shouldn't be subject to federal regulation. The Law of Higher Education and Research was published in 1992 and went into effect the following year, in 1993. This law, however, only applies to specific institutions. The afore - mentioned clause is also not constitutional and is a part of a regular statute, making it changeable at any moment by a simple majority in Parliament. 

 

According to the Education Act of 1989, academic freedom refers to the means of speech used by academic staff members who are involved in research. a) The legal freedom of academic personnel and students to challenge conventional thinking, put forth fresh perspectives, and voice unpopular or controversial beliefs. b) The freedom to conduct research by academic personnel and students. c) The university's and its faculty's autonomy to control the subjects covered in university courses.

 

d) The independence of the institution to teach and evaluate students in the ways that they believe will best promote learning. e) The university's independence to choose its own employees through the vice - chancellor and council. Academic freedom must be available at all institutions of higher learning, according to the Philippine Constitution of 1987. Despite the merits or shortcomings of any particular case, Philippine legal doctrine and courts of law, including the Philippine Supreme Court, have a tendency to reflexively defer to the institutional autonomy.

 

Latter is that of higher educational institutions when making academic decisions regarding the resolution of individual cases filed in court regarding professors' abuse of academic freedom. The contentious case of University of the Philippines at Diliman sociology professor Sarah Raymundo, who was denied tenure following an appeal by the department's faculty's minority dissenting vote, was one that attracted a lot of attention. Upon appeal to Chancellor Sergio S. Cao of the University of the Philippines at Diliman by the dissident faculty and Professor Raymundo, this decision was upheld.

 

The appeal was raised by Professor Raymundo to the board of regents of the university for a ruling, but despite the case being elevated to Roman, who is the president of the University of the Philippines System. Her tenure bid was approved by the BOR. The refusal of Professor Raymundo's supporters to call into question the department's institutional Academic Freedom in refusing to award her tenure was a major point of disagreement. But it was in requesting openness regarding the department's use of its academic freedom. 

 

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It was in keeping with University of the Philippines traditions to provide a foundation for academic judgements made under the banner of academic freedom, which could then be subject to peer review. The 1996 South African Constitution guarantees the independence of intellectual inquiry and academic freedom. By 1997, the fundamental tenet of higher education was academic independence. The following three key dangers are thought to put academic freedom under danger.

 

Government restrictions, an overabundance of sponsors from the commercial sector, and restrictions on free expression in universities. The limited academic freedom at a number of South African universities has been the subject of numerous scandals. Due to its limited academic freedom and the 2007 controversy, the University of KwaZulu - Natal became well - known. A sociology lecturer involved in this incident, Fazel Khan, was fired in April 2007 for "bringing the university into disrepute" after he disclosed evidence to the media.

 

Because of his involvement in a staff strike in February of last year, Khan claims that he was removed by airbrushing from an image that appeared in a campus newspaper. Due to this controversy, the South African Council on Higher Education published a report in which it was claimed that the government is influencing academic freedom. Because they receive funding from the general public, public universities in particular are more sensitive to political pressure. 

 

Academic freedom and its breadth received a full chapter, Chapter XVI, in The Robbins Report on Higher Education, which was commissioned by the British government and published in 1963. In - depth discussion of the value placed on academic freedom for both individuals and the institution as a whole is provided here. The Robbins committee considered the statutory protection granted to academic freedom as providing some security for society as a whole. It is from any desire to mount such attacks in a world where illiberal regimes are all too willing to do so, both then and now.

 

Many of the legal safeguards for academic freedom that Margaret Thatcher's administration attempted to eliminate were ones that Robbins had deemed to be crucial. An unfavourable House of Lords change to her bill contributed to some of her frustration. This was put into the 1988 Education Reform Act. In the UK, scholars had a legal right to it. It has to do with "questioning and testing received wisdom and putting forward new ideas and controversial or unpopular opinions without putting themselves in danger of losing their jobs or the privileges they may have."

 

The majority of UK universities' statutes so explicitly state these principles of academic independence. Professor Kathleen Stock, previously of the University of Sussex, resigned from her position as a result of criticism from students and the media on her views on trans - gender people. The Equality and Human Rights Commission has released advice in response to these worries. The Guidance outlines particular processes that colleges should take into account when deciding whether or not certain activities can take place.

 

It also offers solutions for removing any remaining obstacles to speaking freely about particular experiences. However, the guidelines also make clear that institutions must comply with the Prevent Strategy and the 2010 Equality Act to ensure they protect free speech on campus. The Warden of Wadham College in Oxford, a former director of public prosecutions who is a lawyer, noted in 2016. As per him universities now have "a specific enforceable duty, to prevent the expression of views that are otherwise entirely compatible with the criminal law".

 

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It was as a result of the Conservative government's anti - terrorism "Prevent" strategy legislation. The "1940 Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure" is largely accepted as the definition of academic freedom in the United States. The Association of American Colleges ( AAC, now the Association of American Colleges and Universities ) and the American Association of University Professors ( AAUP ) collaborated on its creation. According to these guiding principles, "Teachers are entitled to freedom in the classroom in discussing their subject."

 

Additionally, the phrase enables schools to "limit academic freedom due to religious or other goals." Provided they are "clearly stated in writing at the time of the appointment," they are acceptable. The ability of educators to pursue knowledge without unjustified political or governmental interference is another aspect of this principle. The Principles do not have the status of enforceable legislation, merely those of private statements. To put this norm into practise, American colleges and universities including private and religious institutions work with seven regional accreditors.

 

Additionally, the AAUP collaborates with these similar universities despite not being an accrediting authority. Regarding the requirements for the protection of academic freedom and tenure, the AAUP does not always concur with the regional accrediting agencies. The schools and universities that the AAUP has identified as violating these tenets are listed ( and given a censure ). According to the yearly study from College Speech Codes, by 2022, 88% of four - year colleges and universities would restrict students' freedom of speech, reversing a 15 - year trend.

 

According to data from the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression ( FIRE ), 426 out of 486 colleges have at least one rule that limits student speech. It is "the Law of the Council for Higher Education" that governs academic freedom in Israel. The sentence in paragraph 15 that reads, "A recognised institution is free to conduct all of its academic and administrative affairs, within the limits of its budget, as it sees fit. The following are included in this sentence's definition of "academic and administrative matters."

 

Deciding on a research and teaching agenda, selecting the institution's leaders, choosing and promoting professors, deciding on a teaching strategy, and any other scientific, educational, or commercial activity. Even laypeople appear to be able to understand the paragraph's straight forward and understandable wording. The Council for Higher Education, also known as "The Council," is the organisation tasked with protecting academic freedom and preserving a sufficient level of academic rigour in institutions of higher learning.

 

The Minister of Education is the council's chairman, and members include academics who hold university professorships as well as well-known individuals. An executive body known as the "Committee for Planning and Budgeting" is available to "The Council". It mostly deals with university budgeting and establishes pertinent protocols and norms for budget and compensation problems. The "Committee of the Heads of the Universities" is another organisation whose goal is to protect academic freedom.

 

It is a voluntary organisation, but it has an impact on how the Legislature and "The Council" conduct their business. These groups can attempt to have an impact on the protection of academic freedom through their staff committees and individual activities. In general, it can be said that the fundamental academic freedom, which is focused on the freedom of teaching and research, was retained and that neither the government nor any of its agents attempted to meddle with their contents.

 

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It uses grants as a tool to influence this issue by offering financial incentives for particular types of teaching or research. The government has the authority to determine the tuition fees for students attending the budgeted institutions in Israel because the government funds a sizeable portion of the existing university budgets ( about 70% or more ). The Israel Prize in Mathematics and Computer Science, however, was determined to be given to Professor Oded Goldreich from the Weizmann Institute of Science by the academic committee of the prestigious Israel Prize in 2021.

 

The Minister of Education declined to follow the committee's advice on the grounds that Goldreich had signed a petition urging an academic boycott of Ariel University, which is situated in the occupied territories of Judea and Samaria, as well as a request to the German government to overturn its determination that the BDS movement is anti - Semitic. The award committee filed an appeal with the Supreme Court alleging that its academic freedom had been violated. The court reversed its decision and ordered the Minister of Education to present Goldreich with the prize.

 

A year later, Godreich was given the honour. Following radical political statements made by some university faculty members, a heated debate on the subject of academic freedom has recently broken out. The majority of the contentious remarks advocated for an academic boycott of Israel or supported groups that urge such a boycott. Whether an academic faculty member ( herein - after referred to as a professor ) is protected by the concept of free speech was the issue at the centre of the storm. 

 

The award committee filed an appeal with the Supreme Court alleging that its academic freedom had been violated; the court reversed its decision and ordered the Minister of Education to present Goldreich with the prize. A year later, Godreich was given the honour. Following radical political statements made by some university faculty members, a heated debate on the subject of academic freedom has recently broken out. The majority of the contentious remarks advocated for an academic boycott of Israel or supported groups that urge such a boycott. 

 

The controversy revolved around the question of whether an academic faculty member ( hereinafter referred to as a professor ) is protected by the principle of free speech or if it is prohibited for him to express a political opinion that might associate it with the organisation he purports to represent. Furthermore, is it acceptable for the professor to present a political viewpoint while lecturing ? Even better, is it acceptable for the professor to ask members of political organisations to give lectures in his classes without ensuring a balance among those invited ? 

 

In light of this backdrop, Prof. Asa Kasher was tasked by the then Minister of Education, Naftali Bennett, in 2017 with creating a code of academic conduct for institutions. The code was approved by "The Council" in March 2018. Except for Ben - Gurion University of the Negev, all of the research institutions ( seven universities ), who already had an academic code of ethics that addressed the problem of freedom of expression, declined to embrace this code on the grounds that it would violate academic freedom. 

 

The chief internal auditor is a largely independent position at each Israeli research university. A thorough discussion is had on the subject of how the idea of academic freedom and internal auditing in universities relate to one another. The latter is in an essay that was published in a book published on behalf of the Negev's Ben - Gurion University, which is the only institution stated to have a legally obligatory academic code of ethics. There are some differences amongst universities in this regard.

 

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In all universities, with the exception of Ben - Gurion University in the Negev, the jurisdiction of the university auditor to review matters within the control of the university senate is constrained. These problems include academic matters and faculty appointments. The following is stated in its constitution as well as in the general rules. The law, the university's constitution, and general regulations are the only controls over the internal auditor of the university. 

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As per the general regulations, the auditor is merely required to "respect the academic freedom granted to the university, including its faculty members." The question of who will decide which topics are subject to academic freedom and others are not immediately raised. Only the Chief Internal Auditor will decide this, and in light of two rules: The university auditor will refrain from conducting an audit in the areas that are mentioned in paragraph 15 of the Higher Education Council Law, which was mentioned earlier.

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Any issue on which the academic regulations stipulate a rule does not enjoy academic freedom because the faculty members must act in accordance with what is prescribed in the regulations. The article's author further argues that the fact that section 15 of the Higher Education Council Law, which grants universities and their faculty members academic freedom, contains a subparagraph indicating the authority of the university auditor under the "Internal Audit Law 1992," lends further support to his position.

 

To put it simply. There is a brief legal paragraph that deals with academic freedom, but it is circumscribed, subject to audit, and all of that. ​The ability to select staff, establish standards, and accept students is a key component of the English university model. This goal, which is distinct from any independence given to faculty members and students by the institution, would be better referred to as institutional autonomy. According to the Supreme Court of the United States, academic freedom means that a university is free to make the following decisions based only on academic merit.

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Who may instruct. What may be instructed. The best way to instruct it. And who may be granted admission to study. Professors have no academic freedom, according to a 2008 decision by a federal court in Virginia. All academic freedom belongs to the university or college. A district court judge made the following ruling in the case Stronach v. Virginia State University. As per the ruling senior ( university ) officials are not prohibited from modifying a grade that a professor gave one of his students in violation of any constitutional right to academic freedom.

 

The court cited a case from the fourth circuit court of appeals as well as the Sweezy v. New Hampshire decision from the U.S. Supreme Court as precedent that was required. The Stronach court also cited compelling decisions from a number of courts of appeals circuits, including the first, third, and seventh circuits. The circumstance where a university tries to pressure a professor into modifying a grade was noted by that court. 

 

When university officials may, at their discretion, adjust the grade after receiving an appeal from a student, it is obviously a violation of the First Amendment. In the academic world, the Stronach case has drawn a lot of attention as a crucial precedent. This commonly held belief has lately been refuted by a "institutionalist" interpretation of the First Amendment, despite the fact that academic freedom and free speech rights do not overlap. Academic freedom is more than just freedom of expression. It also covers things like the liberty to decide what is taught in the classroom.

 

When their beliefs are seen to be inimical to social, political, or religious agendas, teachers are given a set of rules to abide by the AAUP. Teachers are free to express their own opinions in public without worrying about institutional repression or punishment when they speak or write in academic journals or on social media, but they are urged to exercise restraint and make it clear that they are not speaking on behalf of their institution. 

 

Academic custom, institutional policies, letters of appointment, faculty handbooks, and collective bargaining agreements all serve to safeguard academic freedom in practise. The First Amendment, which declares that "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," guarantees freedom of speech in the United States. The First Amendment consequently covers all governmental organisations, including public universities. 

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Academic freedom is a First Amendment privilege at public institutions, the U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled. The First Amendment of the United States, however, has traditionally been ruled to not apply to private organisations, including religious institutions. These private institutions have the option to respect intellectual and speech freedoms. A push to teach intelligent design as an alternative to evolution in US public schools is also linked to academic freedom.

 

Supporters argue that rather than stating that there are no alternatives to evolutionary theory, academic institutions should fairly portray all hypotheses for the biodiversity observed on Earth. The First Amendment to the US Constitution, according to the movement's detractors, prohibits the teaching of intelligent design in US public schools. They frequently cite Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District as a case in support of their argument. They also deny the claims of prejudice against supporters of intelligent design, which were refuted when an examination revealed no supporting data. 

 

Between 2004 and 2008, several "academic freedom bills" were submitted to state legislatures in the US. The text of the bills, which was initially written for the Santorum Amendment in the US Senate, was heavily influenced by language created by the Discovery Institute, the centre of the Intelligent Design movement. The Wall Street Journal claims that these proposals all share the objective of increasing student exposure to publications and films that contest evolution, the majority of which are created by proponents of intelligent design or biblical creationism.

 

The American Association of University Professors has reiterated its opposition to these legislation, as well as any promotion of creationism as a scientifically respectable alternative and any misrepresentation of evolution as being disputed. Only the Louisiana legislation had been successfully voted into law as of June 2008. Many books and articles on the subject of Communism's impact on academic freedom were published in the 20th century, especially during the McCarthy era in the 1950s.

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A few examples include Sidney Hook's Heresy, Yes - Conspiracy, No and Whittaker Chambers' "Is Academic Freedom in Danger ?" Since 2014, Dean Jeffrey Flier of the Harvard Medical School and Vice President Abigail Thompson of the American Mathematical Society have argued that academics are pressured to support diversity initiatives while being explicitly discouraged from opposing equity and inclusion through self - censorship, promotion, hiring, and firing. 

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The Pope, through the Congregation for Catholic Education, determines the terms of academic freedom for pontifical universities around the world, including The Catholic University of America, the Pontifical University of Saint Thomas Aquinas, Angelicum in Rome, the Université catholique de Louvain in Belgium, and the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. The apostolic constitution Sapientia Christiana specifies the conditions of academic freedom in ecclesiastical educational establishments. 

 

While certain academic freedom debates are represented in legislation that would impact vast numbers of students across entire regions, many cases involve lone academics who share politically un - favourable information or express unpopular viewpoints. These particular instances could draw a lot of attention and periodically test how far academic freedom is supported. A few of these particular cases served as models for later laws. Early in the 1830s, students at Cincinnati's Lane Theological Seminary organised an 18 - day discussion series.

 

The American Colonisation Society was the organisation that opposed releasing slaves unless they also agreed to leave the United States right away and supported sending free blacks to ( not "back to" ) Africa, notably Liberia. Because they believed that free blacks generated discontent among the slaves and that the United States was and should remain a white country, the Society, whose founders and officers were Southern slaveowners, offered funds for existing free blacks to move to Liberia. Before the 14th Amendment was ratified in 1868, Black people were not citizens.

 

The outcome of the discussion was the rejection of the Society's proposal, which at best only benefited a small number of people, in favour of abolitionism, which calls for the immediate, total, and unequal release of all slaves. Afraid of a repeat of the anti - abolitionist Cincinnati riots of 1829, the Seminary trustees overruled the professors to forbid any future "off - topic" conversations. As a result, the vast majority of students at Lane ( also known as the "Lane Rebels" ) transferred to Oberlin Collegiate Institute, where they became the founding class.

 

Prior to that, they secured a written assurance from the Oberlin trustees stating that there would be no speech restrictions and that the faculty, and not the trustees, would be in charge of the institution's internal affairs. Early in the 20th century, there was a significant incident at Duke University in North Carolina called the Bassett Affair that had a significant impact on academic freedom. In public praise of Booker T. Washington in October 1903, professor John Spencer Bassett also called attention to the Democratic party's bigotry and white supremacist actions. 

 

Numerous media outlets criticised Bassett, and several major newspapers ran editorial pieces calling for his dismissal. The college's whole faculty threatened to resign collectively on December 1, 1903, if the board caved in to political pressure and requested Bassett to step down. He quit after "churchmen were encouraged not to recommend the college to prospective students and parents were urged to withdraw their children from the college." Later, Bassett received appreciation from President Teddy Roosevelt for his willingness to speak the truth as he saw it. 

 

Max Friedrich Meyer, a professor of experimental psychology, and Harmon O. DeGraff, an assistant professor of sociology, were fired from their jobs at the University of Missouri in 1929 for assisting student Orval Hobart Mowrer with the distribution of a questionnaire. Latter questioned people about their opinions on sexual preferences between partners, as well as how they currently perceive cohabitation, extramarital sex, marriage, and divorce. The American Association of University Professors later criticised the university for violating a tenured professor's right to academic freedom. 
 

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In a well - known incident that was looked into by the American Association of University Professors, President Hamilton Holt of Rollins College fired John Andrew Rice in March 1933. Holt had hired Rice along with three other "golden personalities" in an effort to position Rollins on the cutting edge of cutting - edge education. Holt subsequently demanded that all instructors sign a "loyalty pledge" in order to preserve their employment. Rollins was reprimanded by the American Association of University Professors. 

 

Black Mountain College was formed by Rice and the three other "golden personalities" who were all fired for declining to take the oath of allegiance. William Shockley, a Nobel Prize – winning physicist, professor of electrical engineering, and inventor of electronic devices, was concerned about the relatively high reproductive rates among people of African descent in 1978 because he thought that black people's genetic make - up predestined them to be intellectually inferior to white people.

 

He declared that he thought his work on race was more significant than the work that earned him the Nobel Prize. He received harsh criticism for this approach, which made some people wonder whether suppressing discussion of controversial racial differences theories curtailed academic freedom. When Lawrence Summers was the president of Harvard University in 2006, he facilitated a debate aimed at determining the reasons why fewer women choose to pursue advanced degrees in science and mathematics.

 

He recommended investigating the potential of innate gender disparities in terms of aptitude for science and mathematics. He received a lot of negative public feedback. His detractors were then charged with trying to stifle academic freedom. After a five - year stint, he quit due to the negative response to his remarks. A number of no - confidence votes cast by school deans, particularly by several academics in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, were a significant contributing factor in his resignation. 

 

Serious complaints were made about the institution and its faculty's use of academic freedom to press judgement and deny the three accused players due process following the 2006 scandal in which many members of the Duke Lacrosse team were wrongly accused of rape. Sociologist and labour leader Fazel Khan was expelled from the University of KwaZulu - Natal in Durban, South Africa, in 2006 after taking the initiative in a strike.

 

The attempts to reprimand John van der Berg and Nithiya Chetty, two additional professors at the same university, for having expressed concerns about academic freedom at the university, also drew attention from around the world in 2008. The Man Who Would Be Queen, a popular science book by J. Michael Bailey, promotes the notion that trans women are motivated by their libido. Numerous academics have harshly criticised the book, including Lynn Conway, Andrea James, Dr. Dreger, and others.

 

Lynn Conway found the book's tone to be abusive and claimed that it was a recipe for further discrimination because it exploited vulnerable people, particularly children. Dr. Dreger also found that the book misrepresented those it portrayed and "did not qualify as scientific research." By conducting personal research observations on human participants without disclosing to them that they were the subjects of the study, Bailey was accused of egregiously breaking scientific standards by Drs. Conway and McCloskey in formal complaints they filed with Northwestern University in 2007.

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Additionally, they complained to the state of Illinois' regulatory agencies, asking them to look into Bailey's unlicensed practise of psychology. His behaviour with women has been alleged by other scholars. As a result of criticism surrounding some anti-gay remarks she had made, Thio Li - ann resigned from her position at the New York University School of Law in 2009, sparking a debate regarding academic freedom at the law school. Li - ann was subsequently asked to resign from her employment at the NYU School of Law. 

 

William I. Robinson was accused of antisemitism by the University of California at Santa Barbara in 2009 after he forwarded a class email that featured images and text juxtaposing the Gaza Strip and the Holocaust. After a global campaign against the university's administration, Robinson was sacked from the school but the accusations against him were later withdrawn. 

 

The incident at the University of the Philippines at Diliman where Professor Gerardo A. Agulto of the College of Business Administration was sued by MBA graduate student Chanda R. Shahani for nominal damages after repeatedly failing him in the Comprehensive Examination's Strategic Management section. Agulto declined to provide a thorough explanation for his grades and instead cited academic freedom, but Shahani contended in court that such a claim could not be made without a valid reason for the student's grade. 

 

After analysing some of Steven Salaita's tweets about Israel, the University of Illinois at Urbana - Champaign extended an offer to hire him as a professor of American Indian studies in 2013 but later rescinded it in 2014. Due to his tweet about the shootings from a personal account connected to the university, which read, "#NavyYardShooting," Professor David Guth of the University of Kansas was subject to persecution by the Kansas Board of Regents. Blood has been spilled on #NRA hands. Have YOUR sons and daughters do it the following time.

 

You should feel ashamed. Be damned by God. Kansas University suspended him after his divisive remarks, but eventually decided to let him return. Due of this occurrence and the ethical issues it brought up, the Kansas Board of Regents adopted a new social media policy. This new law gave colleges the authority to penalise or fire staff members who behaved in ways that were "contrary to the best interests of the university."

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What is Pedagogy ? 

The way we teach, the theory and practise of learning, and how this process affects and is influenced by the social, political, and psychological growth of learners are the most popular definitions of pedagogy. The study of how knowledge and skills are transmitted in an educational system is known as pedagogy, and it takes interactions that occur during learning into account. Because they are a reflection of many social, political, and cultural contexts, pedagogy theory and practise varies widely. 

 

Teaching is a common definition of pedagogy. By taking into account learning theories, an awareness of students and their needs, as well as the particular students' backgrounds and interests, teachers' pedagogy impacts their decisions, actions, and instructional tactics. The broadening of liberal education ( the overall development of human potential ) to the more focused objectives of vocational education ( the teaching and learning of specialised skills ) are some of its potential goals.

 

Paulo Freire called traditional western pedagogies "banking methods" because they see the instructor as the knowledge provider and the student as the recipient of knowledge. However, pedagogy theories increasingly see the student as an agent and the teacher as a facilitator. The background knowledge and experiences of the learner, the circumstance and setting, as well as the learning objectives established by the student and teacher, all influence the instructional tactics. Socratic method is one illustration. 

 

The definition of "pedagogy" is hotly debated, and many other definitions have been put forth. The most popular definition is that it is the study or science of instructional strategies. It is the educational methodology in this sense. It explores methods and techniques that can be applied to accomplish educational goals as a methodology. The dissemination of knowledge is frequently considered the major goal. Fostering abilities and moral qualities is one of the other goals.

 

They consist of assisting the student in the development of their cognitive and social skills as well as psychomotor and affective learning, which are concerned with the acquisition of appropriate practical skills and emotional dispositions, respectively. This description of education is not shared by everyone, and some regard it more as an art or a skill than as a science. The practical side of teaching, which may incorporate several types of "tacit knowledge that is hard to put into words," is highlighted further by this description.

 

This strategy is frequently predicated on the notion that the most important elements of instruction can only be learned through actual classroom experience and are difficult to codify by scientific research. This is how pedagogy might be defined as the "observation and improvement of one's skill as a teacher." The practise of teaching and the discussion and study of teaching methods are both included in a broader definition of pedagogy that includes these two descriptions. 

 

By adding factors like "the development of health and bodily fitness, social and moral welfare, ethics, and aesthetics," some theorists provide an even broader definition. It is frequently claimed that pedagogy is a "catch - all term" related with numerous concerns of teaching and learning because of the wide range of meanings it might have. It is vague in this regard. Patricia Murphy asserts that despite this, it is crucial to reflect carefully on the definition of the term "pedagogy" because various theorists frequently use it in radically different ways.

 

Non - trivial presumptions regarding the nature of learning are sometimes even included in the definition. Pedagogy is frequently only understood in terms of classroom education. 

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