Ancient Greece is often cited as the birthplace of Western political theory specifically to Athenian democracy and Ancient Greek philosophy. It is customary to highlight the political philosophy of intellectuals like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle as being particularly significant and influential in such works. Comparatively, non - Western political traditions and histories have frequently been under represented in academic studies.​

These non - Western schools of political thought have been found, among other places, in ancient India and China, particularly in the form of early Chinese philosophy, where the Arthashastra represents an early treatise on governance and politics. In the seventh century, as Islam quickly spread over the world, another major non - Western school of political thinking came into being. Academic periodicals and university programmes have both contributed to the study of history related to political thinking.

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China entered a period of peace and prosperity around 770 BCE, which facilitated the emergence of the so - called Hundred Schools of Thought, the most important of which was Confucius'. His way of thought was strongly rooted in the traditional Chinese world view, which placed the utmost importance on the concepts of duty, loyalty, and respect. He held that a leader who embodies these values may change people and society through reciprocal treatment and moral example.

It is because society will respond to such good leaders by imitating them. He succinctly put it like way : "If your desire is for good, the people will be good. The moral character of the ruler is the wind; the moral character of those beneath him is the grass. When the wind blows, the grass bends."

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The patriarchal family had to serve as the model for society, which had to be hierarchically structured and ruled by an absolute monarch. Confucius also advocated for a meritocratic elite of administrators and advisers to be hired by the government through civil service examinations. Later Chinese intellectuals like Mozi shared his views on meritocracy and setting an example for others.

However, they disagreed with the family - model of government since they thought it would be nepotistic. Yet, Mencius later supported his viewpoints. Legalism, an alternative Chinese ideology, asserted that authoritarian discipline, not virtue, was essential for the state's administration. 

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Ancient Rome and Greece are where European political philosophy first emerged. Around 600 BCE, individuals in these civilizations started to think about issues related to social organisation as part of their broader discussions of morality and how to live a decent life. Plato enjoyed the freedom to develop his ideas during the Athenian democracy's intellectual heyday in the fifth century, despite the fact that he abhorred democracy and every other form of government at the time.
 

This was due to Plato's contention that the state should foster the virtues essential for good living, but that the existing political structures of monarchy, oligarchy, and democracy all served to advance the interests of the powerful. Latter were those who were unaware of these virtues and would only pursue honour and wealth, resulting in conflict and injustice. In the Republic, Plato suggested that this be changed and that philosopher monarchs, who would understand how to live a decent life, should take the throne in its place.

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Chanakya ( about 4th century BCE ) provided helpful suggestions on managing the government in India's Arthashastra. He also thought that a leader's virtue and their advisors' merit were crucial. He further asserted that after defeating their adversaries with the most effective means at their disposal, monarchs should "substitute their virtues for the defeated adversary's vices, and where the enemy was good they shall be twice as good." Similar subjects were covered by Manu before him in his Manusmriti.

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In its entirety, Augustine of Hippo's early Christian philosophy ( and psychology ) was a reworking of Plato for a Christian audience. The fundamental shift brought about by Christianity was to temper Roman stoicism and the philosophy of justice. It was also to place an emphasis on the state's duty in demonstrating mercy as a moral example. In addition, Augustine taught that a person was either a citizen of the City of God ( Civitas Dei ) or the City of Man and was not a member of his or her city ( Civitas Terrena ).

After the First Fall of Rome, many Christian Romans believed that the Christian perspective might be realised on Earth, but Augustine's important work City of God opposed this idea.

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European political philosophy during the Middle Ages was greatly influenced by Christian thought. The Western church similarly put philosophy below theology, which had many similarities to Islamic attitudes. St. Thomas Aquinas, who helped reintroduce Aristotle's works — all but the Politics, which William of Moerbeke translated directly from Greek to Latin — had been preserved by Muslim academics, together with Averroes' commentaries — was arguably the most significant political philosopher of mediaeval Europe.

The scholastic political theory that ruled European thought for centuries was established by Aquinas's use of them. The Magna Carta, which was signed in 1215, established the idea of constitutional rights like habeas corpus. Power dynamics and ideas of where power originated in the Mediterranean region were significantly impacted by the rise of Islam, which was founded on both the Qur'an and Muhammad.

Early Islamic philosophy emphasised the unbreakable bond between science and religion as well as the quest for truth through ijtihad; in this sense, all philosophy was "political" because it had direct consequences for governing structures. The Mutazilite philosophers, who had a more Greek perspective and were backed by a secular nobility seeking freedom of action outside of the Caliphate, opposed this approach. But by the end of the Middle Ages, the Asharite interpretation of Islam had largely prevailed.

The Qur'an and the Sunnah, or the sayings and deeds of Muhammad, were the basic foundations of Islamic political thought. The famous Islamic philosophers al-Kindi ( Alkindus ), al-Farabi ( Abunaser ), bn Sina ( Avicenna ), Ibn Bajjah ( Avempace ), Ibn Rushd ( Averroes ), and Ibn Khaldun are regarded to have been the only ones to have focused on this particular topic.

An analysis is based on the political notions of Islam, such as kudrah, sultan, ummah, simaa, and even the "core" elements of the Qur'an, such as ibada, din, rab, and ilah. So, many more jurists and ulama submitted political concepts and theories in addition to the ideas of the Muslim political philosophers. ​For instance, the Khawarij's concepts of the Khilafa and Ummah in the very early years of Islamic history or Shia Islam's conception of the Imam are seen as examples of political philosophy.

In the seventh and eighth century, conflicts between Ehl-i Sunna and Shia had a distinctly political undertone. Ibn Khaldun, an Arab scientist who lived in the 14th century, is regarded as one of the finest political theorists. The British philosopher and anthropologist Ernest Gellner regarded Ibn Khaldun's description of government as the best in the annals of political theory: "an institution which prevents injustice other than that which it commits itself."

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After roughly a century of theological political thinking in Europe, secular political philosophy started to emerge. Niccol Machiavelli's The Prince, written between 1511 and 1512 and published in 1532, after Machiavelli's death, was one of the most important books throughout this developing era. The Discourses, a thorough examination of the classical era, and that work both had a significant impact on Western modern political philosophy.

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Some people, like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, would read The Prince as satire that was intended to criticise the Medici after they retook Florence and drove Machiavelli out of Florence. Machiavelli backed the Republic of Florence rather than the Medici family oligarchy, despite the fact that the work was intended for the Medici family in an attempt to persuade them to release him from exile.

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In any case, Machiavelli offers a realistic and somewhat consequentialist vision of politics in which good and evil are merely tools for achieving a specific goal, namely the upkeep of political power. During the English Renaissance at the beginning of the 17th century, Thomas Hobbes, who is well-known for his notion of the social contract, goes on to develop this viewpoint.

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With his work Two Treatises of Government, John Locke in particular typified this new era of political theory. Locke makes a state-of-nature theory in it, which directly supports his view of how political evolution happens and how it can be based on contractual duty. Sir Robert Filmer's patriarchally based political philosophy was challenged by John Locke in favour of a natural system based on nature in a specific system.

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The discovery of other American societies, the shifting demands of political societies, especially in the wake of the English Civil War, the American Revolution, and the French Revolution, and new theories about what the human being was and is, as well as about the definition of reality and how it was perceived, all contributed to the Enlightenment period's development of new questions and insights by thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu, and John Locke.

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Two fundamental problems drove these theorists: first, what right or need does it give people to form states, and second, what is the finest possible shape for a state. To answer these fundamental problems, it was necessary to distinguish between the terms "state" and "government." It was determined that the term "state" would refer to a group of lasting organisations that would distribute power and provide justification for its use.

The term "government" would be used to describe the particular persons who were in charge of making the laws and regulations that bound all citizens, including the government, at any given moment. It encompasses political structures and influential outcomes of the inter dependencies among various facets of human evolution and civilisations.

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Although some political scientists, philosophers, historians, and cultural anthropologists have argued that most political action in any given society occurs outside of its state and that there are societies that are not organised into states but which nevertheless must be considered in terms of politics, this conceptual distinction still exists in political science.

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These theories had a significant impact on political and economic relations because they replaced the guild concept with the theory of free trade. Additionally, Protestant churches affiliated with each nation - state challenged the dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in theology and preached in the local language, which the Roman Catholic Church frequently denounced angrily. It took a long time for these concepts to reach cultures outside of Europe.

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Societies underwent a profound upheaval throughout the Industrial Revolution. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels consequently rose to prominence as the earliest proponents of socialism and communism. Vladimir Lenin expanded on their concepts, creating the Leninism philosophy. These concepts would be refined further under Joseph Stalin into Marxism - Leninism and implemented in the Soviet Union and later the Eastern Bloc.

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This school of thinking would also give rise to Maoism, Ho Chi Minh Thinking, Hoxhaism, and Titoism throughout the Cold War. The concept of imperialism went hand in hand with the advent of colonialism, which was made possible by industrialization. Eventually, anti-imperialist ideologies like Gandhianism and Nasserism would oppose this.

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Political Economy - A Review :

Political economy is the study of the interactions between political systems, such as law, institutions, social science & human systems, Sociology,  government, and economic systems, such as markets and national economies. Systems like labour markets and financial markets, as well as phenomena like growth, distribution, inequality, and trade are well analysed. Additionally, how these are impacted by institutions, laws, and government policies, are all well studied phenomena within the subject. 

It has its roots in the 16th century and is the forerunner of the contemporary field of economics. Modern political economy is seen as an inter disciplinary field that draws on both political science and contemporary economics theory. Political economy is a branch of western moral philosophy that dates back to the 16th century. The term "political economy" is derived from the Greek words "polity" and "economy," which both refer to the management of households.

Although French physiocrats like François Quesnay ( 1694-1774 ) and Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot came before the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo in developing political economics, they are typically given credit for the field's initial works ( 1727 – 1781 ). With the development of mathematical modelling and the release of Alfred Marshall's renowned textbook in 1890, the term "economics" gradually started to take the place of "political economy" in the late 19th century.

Prior to this, William Stanley Jevons, a supporter of the application of mathematics to the field, argued in favour of the term "economics" for its conciseness and the goal of it being "the recognised name of a science." According to measurement metrics from Google Ngram Viewer, use of the term "economics" started to replace "political economy" around 1910 and took over as the favoured phrase by 1920. Clara Mattei, an economist, claims that this transition was caused by the growing acceptance of classical liberalism as jurisprudence or the natural law.

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It remained during the First World War despite evidence to the contrary. Currently, the term "economics" typically refers to the in - depth examination of the economy without taking into account other political and social factors, whereas the term "political economy" designates a different and competing methodology, household management. Although French physiocrats like François Quesnay ( 1694 - 1774 ) and Anne - Robert - Jacques Turgot came before the British scholars Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo in developing political economics. 

They are typically given credit for the field's initial works ( 1727 – 1781 ). Political economy was originally defined as the study of the circumstances under which production or consumption, within certain bounds, was organised in nation - states. In this way, political economy, which derives from the Greek words oikos ( meaning "home" ) and nomos, increased the emphasis on economics ( meaning jurisprudence or "law" or "order" ). 

Political economy was designed to describe the laws of wealth production at the state level, just like economics is concerned with maintaining order in the family. The famous book Traité de l'economie politique by Antoine de Montchrétien, which is translated as "Political Economy," is credited with introducing the term "économie politique" to France for the first time in 1615.

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Several modern academics credit Ibn Khaldun, a Tunisian Arab historian and sociologist who worked on defining "profit" and "sustenance," or surplus and that required for the reproduction of classes, respectively, in modern political economy, as the originator of this subject. In his greatest book, the Muqaddimah, he further develops these concepts and asks for the development of a science to explain society. According to Al-Muqaddimah, which is regarded as a modern forerunner to Classical Economic thinking, “Civilization and its well-being, as well as business prosperity, depends on productivity and people’s efforts in all directions in their own interest and profit”.

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The French physiocrats were the first significant political economists, however Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, David Ricardo, Henry George, and Karl Marx generally earn considerably more credit for their intellectual answers to the physiocrats. In 1754, the University of Naples Federico II in southern Italy created the first political economy professorship in history. The first professor with tenure was the philosopher from Naples, Antonio Genovesi.

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At the University of Vienna in Austria, Joseph von Sonnenfels was given the position of Political Economics chair in 1763. At the East India Company College in Haileybury, Hertfordshire, Thomas Malthus was appointed England's first political economy professor in 1805. Currently, the term "political economy" refers to a variety of inter connected methods for analysing economic behaviour, ranging from the integration of economics with other disciplines to the application of new, fundamental hypotheses that contradict traditional economic assumptions.

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Political institutions, the political environment, and the economic system — whether capitalist, socialist, communist, or mixed — all influence one another, and political economy is most often used to describe inter disciplinary studies that combine economics, sociology, and political science to explain this relationship.

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Political economy has three sub - areas according to the Journal of Economic Literature classification codes: (1) the role of government and / or class and power relationships in resource allocation for each type of economic system; (2) international political economy, which examines the effects of international relations on the economy; and (3) economic models of political or exploitative class processes. There is typically a difference made between comparative political economy and international political economy within the discipline of political science.

Latter is studied by comparative politics scholars. A micro - foundations theory with strong ties to political economy is public choice theory. In contrast to the view attributed to older mainstream economists that government officials aim to maximise individual utility from some form of social welfare function, both models portray voters, legislators, and bureaucrats as acting primarily in their own interests. As a result, economists and political scientists frequently equate political economy with methods based on rational - choice assumptions.

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Political Economics principles are leveraged, particularly when using game theory to study phenomena outside the purview of traditional economics, such as complex decision - making and government failure. In these contexts, the term "positive political economy" is frequently used. Analysis of public policy subjects like economic regulation, monopoly, rent - seeking, market protection, institutional corruption, and distributional politics are among other "classic" topics.

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The impact of elections on the selection of economic policy, factors that affect election outcomes and forecasting models, political business cycles, central bank independence, and the politics of large deficits are all included in empirical analysis. The modelling of economic policy and political institutions has recently focused on the interactions between agents and these institutions, especially the seeming contradiction between economic policy and economists' advice when viewed through the perspective of transaction costs.

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The area has grown since the middle of the 1990s, helped in part by new cross - national data sets that allow testing of theories regarding comparative economic systems, social science systems and institutions. The division of countries, the history, geography, civics, sociology, laws, and historical development of political institutions and their rate of change in relation to economic development, financial markets, and regulation, the significance of institutions, backwardness, reform, and transition economies are the primary influencing factors. 

Equally significant and crucial, but secondary. Such factors comprise of the contribution of culture, ethnicity, and gender to the explanation of economic outcomes, macroeconomic policy, the environment, fairness, microeconomics and the relationship between constitutional provisions and economic policy, are just a few of the theoretical and empirical topics that have been covered. There are other critical factors from a political and economic mix perspective. They alter and bring about considerable changes to the political landscape, thus, hinting at it's importance.

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According to the traditions of Marxian political economy, new political economics may consider economic ideology as the phenomenon to explain. In other words, it views economic ideas and behaviour not as frameworks for analysis but as beliefs and actions that must themselves be explained, according to Charles S. Maier's suggestion that a political economy approach "interrogates economic doctrines to disclose their sociological and political premises."

This methodology is applied in Colin Hay's The Political Economy of New Labour, Manchester University Press, 1999, and Andrew Gamble's The Free Economy and the Strong State, Palgrave Macmillan, 1988. Also, it influences a lot of the articles in New Political Economy, an international publication established in 1996 by researchers at Sheffield University. 

International political economy ( IPE ) is a multidisciplinary field that examines how different actors act. Chris Brown, an expert in international relations, claims that Susan Strange, a professor at the University of Warwick, "nearly single - handedly created international political economics as an area of study." These methods are connected to the American magazine International Organization, which was edited by Robert Keohane, Peter J. Katzenstein, and Stephen Krasner in the 1970s and which later rose to prominence among IPE journals.

They are linked to the publication The Review of International Political Economy as well. There is also a more critical school of IPE, led by Matthew Watson and Robert W. Cox, and influenced by theorists like Antonio Gramsci and Karl Polanyi. Anthropologists, sociologists, and geographers use the term "political economy" to describe how political or economic regimes develop, mostly at the level of states or regional government, but sometimes within smaller social groupings, social studies and social networks.

The investigation of factors lacking a common economic value, such as the political economy of language, gender, or religion, frequently draws on ideas from Marxian criticisms of capital because these regimes shape and are shaped by the organisation of both social and economic capital. Such methods build on the theories of André Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein's and Immanuel Latour's neo-Marxian studies on development and under development.

Political economy has been used by historians to examine how individuals and organisations with similar economic interests have utilised politics in the past to change things that benefited their interests. A contemporary endeavour in legal study to directly interact with political economics literature is called political economy and law. Legal realists like Robert Hale and intellectuals like John Commons engaged political economy - related topics in the 1920s and 1930s.

Lawyers affiliated with the Chicago School of law adopted some economics - related academic traditions in the latter half of the 20th century. Legal scholars, particularly those who study international law, have begun to overtly interact with the arguments, research methods, and numerous themes found in literature on political economy after the crisis of 2007, though. 

Thomas Piketty called for the reintroduction of political consideration and understanding of political science in general into the field of economics as a way to strengthen the discipline and address its flaws, which had become apparent in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. 

King's College London became the official home of the only Department of Political Economics in the entire United Kingdom in 2010. This academic unit was justified by the claims that "politics and economics are intricately intertwined" and that "it is impossible to fully comprehend political processes without examining the economic framework in which politics occurs." Professors Tony Payne and Colin Hay established the Sheffield Political Economics Research Institute ( SPERI ) at The University of Sheffield in 2012.

It was developed as a way to combine political and economic studies of capitalism, which its creators believed were insufficient when studied separately to fully understand the 2008 financial crisis. The Political Economics UK Group, often known as PolEconUK, was founded as a research group in the study of political economy in 2017. It has a yearly conference and counts Oxford, Cambridge, King's College London, Warwick University, and the London School of Economics among its affiliates.

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Political Theology - An overview :

The phrase "political theology" has been used in a wide range of contexts by authors looking at various facets of Christians' interactions with politics. It has been used to explore Thomas Aquinas' De Regno: On Kingship, Augustine of Hippo's City of God, and Augustine of Hippo's Summa Theologica. It has also been used to describe the writings of Protestant reformers Martin Luther and John Calvin as well as the Eastern Orthodox understanding of symphonia.

Christian political thinking has a long history of equating politics, statecraft, and worldly power with the more general category of carnal literalism, labelled as "Semitic" by the Pauline tradition. ​With the distinction between Jew and Christian being mapped onto the difference between mortal and eternal, private and public, tyrant and legitimate king, this tradition fostered a tendency to analyse political error in terms of Judaism.

Due to this history, Jews have frequently been identified as the foes of the political ideal of transcendence, and possibly still are. Political theology is a field of study that dates back to the 20th century even though there have been debates about the political dimensions of Christianity, Islam, Confucianism, and other faiths for millennia.

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The term's more contemporary usage is frequently linked to the writings of renowned German political theorist Carl Schmitt. Schmitt maintained in his article Politische Theologie ( 1922 ), written in the midst of the turmoil of the German Weimar Republic, that the primary ideas of contemporary politics were secularised versions of earlier theological ideas. Schmitt's book was a response to Mikhail Bakunin, who had used the phrase in his 1871 work "The Political Theology of Mazzini and the International."

He made the case in Leviathan, drawing on Thomas Hobbes, that the state exists to uphold its own integrity in order to keep society in order during times of crisis. The political world of the clergy by Ted Jelen and Clyde Wilcox, respectively, and The Gathering Storm in the Churches by Jeffrey K. Hadden and Harold Quinley, respectively, have been used to distinguish between the leftist focus on collective "social justice" and the rightist traditional concern with individual "moral reform" in political theology.

While Schmitt may have coined the phrase and its current usage, Kwok Pui-lan has argued that political theologies were likewise evolving elsewhere in the world, including in Asia, following very different trajectories. For instance, the Protestant Wu Yaozong in China in the 1930s argued that both China and the globe needed a social revolution to be saved. This would also apply to the Protestants' involvement in early 20th-century Korean nationalism.

In recent years, numerous influential non-Christian philosophers, including Jürgen Habermas, Odo Marquard, Giorgio Agamben, Simon Critchley, and Slavoj Zizek, have written extensively on the subject of political theology. Islamic political theology has also been the subject of increasing discussion since the turn of the twenty - first century, particularly in historically Christian - dominated Western societies.

Political theology emerged as a significant issue in legal theory in the 1990s and early 2000s, particularly in constitutional law, international law, and legal history. The literature strongly references the work of Ernesto Laclau, Carl Schmitt, and other political philosophers, as well as current political events like the "War on Terror." "Public theology" is a different phrase that frequently fills a comparable area in academic discourse. It is argued that public theology is more focused on civil society and civics, whereas political theology is more focused on the state or the government.

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Chinese government officials, academics, and religious leaders have all responded to the topic of the link between religion and politics in political theology. This was structured over a period of two millennia based on a Confucian view of politics and religion, which was frequently described in terms of Confucian political philosophy. Throughout its history, Chinese Buddhism has offered a challenge to the political influence of Confucianism at various times. Communist interpretations of religion, however, have dominated the conversation since the middle of the 20th century.

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The Church of the East's interactions with the Emperor Taizong and Jesuit missionaries in the Ming court represent one of Christianity's early  meetings in the nation throughout the imperial period. Yet following the founding of the Republic of China and People's Republic of China, it has grown the most in the 20th and 21st centuries, particularly with the emergence of the Three - Self Patriotic Movement and house churches.

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German political theology has been heavily influenced by Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel ( 1770 – 1831 ) throughout much of its history. This is especially evident in the writings of theologian Johann Baptist Metz, a Roman Catholic born in 1928 who extensively examined the idea of political theology. "But, faced with conditions in God's creation that cry out to heaven, how can the theology of the creator God avoid the charge of apathy unless it takes up the language of a suffering God," he wrote in support of the idea of a "suffering God" who shared the anguish of his creation.

As a result, Metz creates a theology that is associated with Marxism. He critiques what he called "bourgeois Christianity" and thinks that because of its entanglement with bourgeois religion, the Christian Gospel has lost some of its credibility. From this angle, he develops apologetics, or foundational theology, in his book Faith in History and Society. Jürgen Moltmann and Dorothee Sölle were two more important German political theologians. The idea of a suffering God is crucial to Moltmann's theological theology, just as it is in Metz' writing.

Ernst Bloch, a Marxist philosopher, had a significant influence on Moltmann's political theology. Liberation theology also had a significant impact on Moltmann, Sölle, and Metz. The Frankfurt School of critical theory, in particular Walter Benjamin and the Frankfurt School's broader critique of modernity, was another early influence. Odo Marquard's essay "In Favor of Polytheism," published in 1979, sparked debate and discussion. It makes the case that polytheism is where the concept of the division of powers originated.

It suggests a political theology based on "enlightened polymythical thinking." In the Middle East, Christian scholars and leaders have developed a religious approach to political issues called Christian political theology. Political theologians attempt to strike a compromise between the needs of a volatile area and the complex but lengthy history of Christianity in the Middle East. Due to the tiny number of Christian minority in the Middle East, this has led to a range of political theologies that is disproportional.

The Middle East's political theologies are influenced by the region's significance to Christians globally. Both historically and as a source of doctrinal authority for many churches. Many Christian leaders approach political theology with a survival mentality. Many Arab Christians consider themselves to be the heirs of a strong Christian heritage that is under threat from local upheaval and persecution because of their faith. Their political theology differs in that their primary political objective is survival.

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In order to solicit support for humanitarian or political causes, Arab Christian leaders have occasionally used both challenges to their own denominations and more general appeals to Christian unity. At times, Christian politicians play down their religion in public to keep peace with their Muslim neighbours. Many Christians in the Middle East saw secular politics in the middle of the 20th century as a way to escape their historical position as a minority group in the Islamic world.

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Christians were active participants in the pan - Arab nationalism movement in the middle of the 20th century, and nationalist governments all over the region valued their contributions because of their familiarity with Western politics and generally high educational aspirations. One notable example is Michel Aflaq, an Eastern Orthodox Christian who organised the first Ba'ath party in Damascus in the 1940s with the help of students. He thought that the greatest way for Christians to succeed in the Middle East was through nationalism.

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Thus, Christians should accept Islam as a part of their cultural identity. Political theology in sub - Saharan Africa, which sprang out of nationalist movements in the middle to late twentieth century elsewhere and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, examines the connection between theology and politics. Sub - Saharan Africa has a growing Christian population, which has raised awareness of Christian solutions to the persistent problems of poverty, violence, and war in the area. 

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Theologian and sociologist Jean - Marc Éla from Cameroon claims that African Christianity "must be formulated from the difficulties of our people, from their pleasures, from their sufferings, from their dreams and from their disappointments today." Postcolonial theology, liberation theology, and global black theology all have a significant impact on African theology.

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Similar to Metz in terms of theology's application in daily life, Reinhold Niebuhr likewise established a theology. Niebuhr served as the president of the Socialist Party of America in the 1930s; even though he eventually left the organisation, socialist ideology played a significant role in his development of Christian realism. Moral Man and Immoral Society : A Study of Ethics and Politics is the Niebuhr text that most demonstrates his relationship with political theology ( 1932 ).

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Stanley Hauerwas is one of the most significant theologians of the modern era, however he prefers to refer to his work as "theological politics." Both Reinhold and H. Richard Niebuhr's political theologies have been openly criticised by Hauerwas, who has also regularly criticised Christians who seek political influence and ally themselves with secular political ideologies. He has also been a harsh critic of liberal democracy, capitalism, and militarism, contending that they are all incompatible with Christian beliefs.

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Understanding Political Ethics :

Making moral judgements about political conduct and political agents is the practise of political ethics, usually referred to as political morality or public ethics. It addresses two topics. The first relates to public officials and their procedures, and is often known as the ethics of process or the ethics of office. The second category is the ethics of policy also known as ethics and public policy, which deals with assessments of laws and policies.

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When the term's origins and steady growth are considered, the idea of political morality can be clearly comprehended. Historically, the fundamental ideals and standards of political morality have been formed from the concepts of fairness. 

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John Rawls, however, advocates the idea that, in the end, the political notion of justice is founded on the common good of the individual rather than on the moral standards one is obliged to uphold. People also rely on their own perceived definition of morality when seeking to assess the morality of political matters. There are various moral pillars from which the idea of morality itself comes. People's perceptions of political activities and political agents are influenced by morality when viewed through the prism of these tenets.

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One of the most well - known political philosophers who discussed political ethics and later subverted them was Niccol Machiavelli. He disagreed with Aristotle in that he thought a political leader would be forced to act evilly in order to preserve his position of power.

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A variation of this concept has been reframed as the dirty hands problem in modern democracies. Michael Walzer, who made this argument most famously, claims that the problem results in a contradiction where the politician must occasionally "do wrong to do good." Though justified, the politician's use of violence to stop further bloodshed is nonetheless reprehensible. Walzer's point of view has drawn flak.

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Some detractors argue that the politician is either warranted or not. There is nothing wrong, even though he might feel bad, if justified. Others claim that regardless of the purposes, some of the violent acts that Walzer would condone are never acceptable. According to Dennis Thompson, if an action is unreasonable, the leader's hands are also in the muck since in a democracy the people should hold the leader accountable.

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The dilemma of many hands occurs when it is difficult to determine who is really in charge of the results in large organisations. Political ethics allows leaders to act in ways that would be improper in their personal lives while also requiring them to uphold greater standards than would be expected in their personal lives. For instance, they can be less entitled to privacy than regular citizens and forbidden from using their position for personal gain. The key difficulties in this situation eventually revolve around the idea of conflict of interest.

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Political morality and personal or private morality are frequently seen as having a conflict of interest, as was previously mentioned. But, it's crucial to understand that these two moral conceptions are capable of continuing their mutually beneficial interaction. These ideals permeate both the personal and public spheres of morality, regardless of whether a person is active in politics as a leader or as a citizen.

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A person who acquired the required abilities in the political sphere may use these learned skills in a context outside of politics, which is frequently seen as a private everyday situation. On the other hand, a person entering politics may already possess the traits and values anticipated in a professional setting. As a result, as expected, the previously held values will be applied to the new political environment. If the traits were not already learnt, reciprocity, as in the context of acquiring such traits, is frequently present when entering the field.

Although the expectations for both morality categories differ, there is at least some correlation between them. The virtues and values simply factor in and apply to both environments, regardless of how they came to be held. Individuals who have entered the competitive political environment understand that while morals and virtues can undoubtedly have an impact, developing one's character before entering can be extremely advantageous.

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In a different method that is pertinent to this topic of political ethics, personal morality is also taken into account when determining public morality, as was covered in the preceding section. Given that the United States is a democratic republic, public morality is frequently described as being "formal." Respecting authority and upholding the law are just two essential elements in achieving the idea of public morality. These characteristics are anticipated from someone who actively engages in politics and are eventually necessary for the conduct of political leaders.

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Despite the fact that every citizen has their own opinions and morals regarding a particularly contentious issue, political leaders have a responsibility to uphold their constituents' beliefs while abiding by the law and the constitution.

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The disputes among the purposes themselves, rather than the conflict between methods and ends, are what matter most in the other domain of political ethics. For instance, in the debate over global justice, there is a tension between the demands of nation states and their residents on the one hand, and the demands of all human beings on the other. Priority has typically been given to national interests, but in recent years, intellectuals known as cosmopolitans have pushed the demands of all world citizens.

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Whilst individuals and philosophers may dispute on what ideal justice entails, political ethics is primarily concerned with implementing moral principles in democratic society. How, if at all, can governments defend policies like progressive taxation, affirmative action, the right to an abortion, universal healthcare, and the like in a pluralist society. Political ethics also addresses the moral issues that arise when political concessions, disclosure of information, civil disobedience, and criminal punishment are required.

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There are two major categories of moral foundations, individualising foundations and binding foundations, according to Graham et al. (2009).

Individualising foundations :
The harm / care foundation and the fairness / reciprocity foundation or the ethics of justice are the two individualising moral foundations or ethics of care. The former is a person's desire for reciprocity and justice. The latter is concerned with a person's concern for others.

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Binding Foundations :

The three unifying pillars are kinship / loyalty, power / respect, and sanctity / purity. The first two relate to a person's sense of belonging and attachment to a group dynamic and are connected with emotions like patriotism, obedience, etc. The third corresponds to an individual's sense of self. The final basis, or ethic of divinity, is a person's desire to restrain or regulate humanity's natural tendencies towards lust, selfishness, etc., usually through spirituality.

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Graham et al. ( 2009 ) studied whether explicit or implicit political identities have a particular impact on moral judgements regarding politics. Political identification provided explicitly by the study participant is referred to as explicit political identity. An IAT test is used by scientists to establish a participant's implicit political identity.

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They discovered that when liberals made moral judgements about political matters, they assigned more weight to the individualising foundations than the binding foundations for both expressly and implicitly given identities. The conservatives, on the other hand, appeared to weigh both types of foundations almost equally. They do point out that this distinction is not always applicable across time and location, though.

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Politics cannot include ethics, according to some detractors who call themselves political realists. Politicians cannot be constrained by moral principles if they are to function effectively in the actual world. They must act in the interest of the country. Walzer does, however, point out that if the realists are pressed to defend their statements, they will nearly always cite their own moral standards, such as to demonstrate how ethics is detrimental or ineffective.

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Another type of critique comes from individuals who contend that instead of focusing so much on politicians and policy, we should pay closer attention to society's bigger structures because that is where the most significant ethical issues are. Political ethics proponents reply that although structural injustice should not be disregarded, placing too much attention on structures leaves out the human agents in charge of correcting them.

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Political Philosophy and Political Theory - Brief Summary :

Political philosophy, sometimes known as political theory, is the philosophical study of politics, focusing on issues such as the character, authority, and connections of public institutions and agents. Politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of laws by authority are some of the topics covered in this book.

They also cover what laws are, whether they are necessary, what constitutes a legitimate government, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, what obligations citizens may have to such a government, if any, and when such a government may be overthrown legally, if at all. The political nature of phenomena and concepts including identity, culture, sexuality, race, money, human-nonhuman connections, ethics, religion, and more are some of the larger-scale issues that political theory addresses. 

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Political philosophy, sometimes known as political theory, is the philosophical study of politics, focusing on issues such as the character, authority, and connections of public institutions and agents. Politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of laws by authority are some of the topics covered in this book. They also cover what laws are, whether they are necessary, what constitutes a legitimate government, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, what obligations citizens may have to such a government, if any, and when such a government may be overthrown legally, if at all.

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The political nature of phenomena and concepts including identity, culture, sexuality, race, money, human-nonhuman connections, ethics, religion, and more are some of the larger-scale issues that political theory addresses. Although the term "political science," or "the scientific study of politics," is typically used in the singular, it is also used in the plural in French and Spanish as sciences politiques and ciencias polticas, respectively, which may reflect the eclectic nature of the discipline.

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Political philosophy is a subfield of philosophy, but it has also contributed significantly to political science, which historically has placed a heavy emphasis on both the development of political theory and its present state from normative political theory to various critical approaches. The area is described as "a multidisciplinary activity whose centre of gravity rests at the humanities end of the luckily still undisciplined discipline of political science" in the Oxford Handbook of Political Theory from 2009.

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Political theory's identity has long been challenged by how to situate itself productively in three different contexts: in relation to the academic disciplines of political science, history, and philosophy; between the concrete realm of politics and the more abstract, ruminative register of theory; and between canonical political theory and the more recent resources, such as feminist and critical theory, discourse analysis, film and film theory, popular and political culture, etc..

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Indian political thought established a dividing line between (1) country and state and (2) state and religion in antiquity. Hindu states' constitutions developed over time and were based on accepted social norms as well as legal and political treatises. The institutions of state were essentially separated into administration, law and order, defence, diplomacy, governance, and diplomatic relations.

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The King, Prime Minister, Army Commander in Chief, and Chief Priest of the King made up Mantranga, the primary governmental body of these states. Together with the chief executive, the prime minister presided over the committee of ministers as Maha Amatya. Indian political philosopher Chanakya lived in the fourth century BC.

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The Arthashastra describes the science of politics for a wise ruler, foreign policy, military tactics, a spy state's surveillance apparatus, and state economic stability. Chanakya made reference to a number of authorities, including Bruhaspati, Ushanas, Prachetasa Manu, Parasara, and Ambi. He also claimed to be a political philosopher's descendant, with his father Chanaka serving as his immediate forebear. The Sukra Neeti is a significant contemporary Indian work on political theory. The Manusmti or Laws of Manu are an illustration of a rule of law from prehistoric India.

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Confucius, who lived in the sixth century BC, is specifically credited with developing Chinese political theory during the Spring and Autumn era. In response to the social and political breakdown of the nation that was a feature of the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Chinese political theory was created. Confucianism, Legalism, Mohism, Agrarianism, and Taoism were the five main philosophies of the time, and each had a political component to their philosophical schools.

Political philosophies developed by thinkers like Confucius, Mencius, and Mozi were based on political stability and unification. Confucianism promoted a hierarchical, meritocratic system of administration based on compassion, allegiance, and social ties. Legalism promoted a highly authoritarian system of government centred on harsh penalties and regulations.

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Mohism promoted a decentralised, community government based on austerity and asceticism. The Agrarians promoted communalism and egalitarianism as peasant utopias. Proto-anarchism was promoted by Taoism. Throughout the Qin Dynasty, legalism dominated politics; but, in the Han Dynasty, State Confucianism took its place. Up until the 20th century, State Confucianism was China's preeminent political theory before communism was adopted there.

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